Manifesto for Revolutionary Liberation: Chapter IV. A Program for Socialist Revolution to Halt Humanity’s Collapse into Barbarism




In order to repel the reactionary offensives of the ruling class, the workers and oppressed must fight under the banner of a program which defends every single democratic and social right, and which combines this struggle with the perspective of the revolutionary overthrow of capitalism. As revolutionaries, the RCIT does not in any way scorn the struggle for reforms and the defense of existing rights. Quite the contrary, in nearly all cases revolutionary situations will only emerge out of struggles where the popular masses are defending their social and democratic rights against the attacks of the ruling class.


Therefore, any revolutionary action program for the present period must start with the most burning issues of the class struggle today, i.e., the defense of the workers and oppressed against the capitalist onslaught. Such a program is not a list of appeals which we call upon the capitalist state to implement, like reformist and populist bureaucrats regularly do, focusing on behind-closed-doors negotiations, elections and parliamentary maneuvers. Rather a revolutionary action program is a militant one focusing on the means to lead an uncompromising class struggle and to advance the self-organization of the workers and oppressed.


It is for this reason that revolutionaries call upon the working class and the oppressed to fight for their interests using all forms of mass struggle dictated by concrete circumstances – beginning with mass demonstrations, strikes and general strikes, occupations, up to armed insurrections and civil wars. Similarly, in all struggles revolutionaries call for the formation of action committees of workers, youth and the popular masses in workplaces, neighborhoods, villages, schools and universities. Furthermore, revolutionaries call for the formation of self-defense units in order to defend strikers, demonstrators, migrants and refugees against the violence perpetrated by police and fascists. In situations of acute class struggles, such bodies can be expanded so that action committees can become councils (like the soviets in Russia in 1917) backing and backed by armed workers’ and popular militias.


The RCIT has outlined its program for action in its Revolutionary Communist Manifesto (2012). Below we will summarize what we consider to be the most important issues for the current political phase and provide for each of them revolutionary answers.




Defense of Democratic Rights! Down with Bonapartism, Monarchies and Dictatorships!


The struggle for democratic rights has become one of the most important issues in this age of capitalism in decay. In this context, the ruling classes inevitably violate and trample on democratic rights and strive to replace even limited bourgeois democracy by capitalist Bonapartism and dictatorship.


Since 2011, the struggle for democratic rights has become a battle cry in the Arab Revolutions against the local dictatorships. This struggle has become crucial for the defense of workers and oppressed against military and institutional coups (Honduras 2009, Paraguay 2012, Egypt 2013, Thailand and Burkina Faso 2014, Burundi 2015, Brazil and Turkey 2016). It is also a central issue in China, where the working class and the poor peasants are oppressed by the Stalinist-Capitalist dictatorship. And it has become an important issue in the Western imperialist countries where the bourgeoisie is increasingly ruling by Bonapartist means, mass surveillance and the expansion of the police state (a permanent “state of emergency” in France; increasing use of the army for domestic operations in various European countries, etc.)


The RCIT calls the workers’ vanguard to mobilize for the defense of all democratic rights (for example, the right to strike, freedom of speech and assembly, freedom of political and union organization, as well as the freedom to make use of all communication and information media).


Likewise, the working class must mobilize against all dictatorships, the police and the surveillance state; against expanding the powers of the police and the courts; against the institutions of the presidency, monarchies and Bonapartist foundations (like Military Councils, National Security Councils, etc.); against the inherent corruption of all kinds of bourgeois state apparatuses (both in their authoritarian as well as their “democratic” version) – here we call for a radical purge of the state apparatus! All state officials and their actions – especially police, army, intelligence, administration, legal, enterprise directors, etc. – must be screened under the control of workers’ and popular councils!


Socialists oppose the overblown bureaucratic state apparatus and support the extension of local self-government in its stead. In order to fight against the bureaucratic and corrupt state apparatus we advocate the right to elect and recall all public officeholders.


A central slogan in the struggle for democratic rights – not only in the struggle against dictatorships but also in situations where democratic issues are at the center of deep political crises – is the call for a Revolutionary Constituent Assembly. Such an assembly should be a bourgeois democratic body with delegates who are controllable by those who elected them and who are open to recall by their constituents. Determining the age for the right to vote should be decided by the workers’ movement of each country. The minimum age for allowing young people to work or to be held criminally responsible should be the basis for this decision. The assembly’s role is to debate and decide on constitutional issue, and it should be protected by workers’ and popular militias against any intimidation of reactionary forces.


The RCIT sharply condemns all reformist and centrist forces who fail to take a clear stand in defense of democratic rights; who refuse to participate in popular struggles (which are usually led by bourgeois-populist or petty-bourgeois forces) against dictatorships or reactionary forces attempting to foment a coup d’état. It is vital that socialists implement the united front tactic – including its formation with those bourgeois-populist or petty-bourgeois forces that are highly influential among the masses disposed against any dictatorship (e.g., Chavismo in Latin America, various Islamist parties like al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin [Muslim Brotherhood] in Egypt, Thaksin’s party in Thailand) – in the struggle against the forces of reaction and in defense of democratic rights! Any sectarianism under the slogan of “political purity,” any refusal to join a camp fighting concretely against the main enemy in a class struggle, under the pretext that “both sides are bourgeois in character” can only lead to well-deserved self-isolation; and this is pseudo-ideological condescension is nothing but a gross betrayal of the fundamental democratic interests of the working class and the poor.


Particularly revolting forms of centrist treason characterizes those who hailed Genera al-Sisi’s military coup in Egypt as a “second revolution” (the Morenoite LIT, Alan Wood’s IMT, the Cliffite RS/IST); those who praised the Ukrainian right-wing Euromaidan movement as a “democratic revolution” (i.e., the Mandelite FI, the Morenoite LIT and UIT); and those who support the bloody dictatorship of Assad against his own people (e.g., WWP, PSL)


Naturally, any defensive struggle for democratic rights can only achieve temporary victories as decaying capitalism aims to strangle and abolish bourgeois democracy. Hence, as Leon Trotsky – leader, along with Lenin, of the October Revolution, and founder of the Fourth International – emphasized in his Theory of Permanent Revolution, that the democratic revolution can only win sustainable victories if it is led by the working class which will combine the democratic struggle with the task of the expropriating the bourgeoisie. In other words, in order to succeed, the democratic revolution must be combined with socialist revolution.




Down with Austerity, Precarity and Privatization! Against the Great Powers’ “Free Trade Agreements”!


As the capitalist crisis deepens, the bourgeoisie inevitably increases its attacks on the working class and the poor: cuts in wages; “liberalization” of labor rights (e.g., the labor law reform in Mexico or the 2016 El Khomri Law in France); making working hours “flexible”; cuts in pensions and education – all these are severe attacks on the working class and on popular rights on the economic front, which are taking place on all continents.


Another crucial arena of today’s economic class struggle is the continuing wave of privatizations. In their desperate search for new sources of finance, bourgeois governments are relentlessly selling off state property to oligarchs, often at a fraction of their true worth. This is particularly harmful when it affects basic commodities for society like water, electricity, transport, etc. When such services are privatized, many public workers usually get fired, basic commodities become much more expensive and, at the same time, their quality deteriorates.


Yet another main front in this struggle is the attempt by monopoly capital to increase its power at the expense of the state and society by lobbying for the imposition of so-called “free trade agreements” like: the US-dominated Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), the China-dominated Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) between the US and the EU or the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) between the EU and Canada. In fact, such agreements only serve to increase the domination by the capitalist mega-corporations of workers, consumers, as well as the nation state and its legal regulations.


The RCIT calls upon the workers’ vanguard to mobilize the trade unions and social movements against all such kinds of attacks by organizing mass actions on the streets. When companies cut wages, sack workers, or intend to close and move on, we demand an opening of the books and the nationalization of the enterprise under workers’ control. We call for the cutting of working hours and a public employment program so that all can have a job and work fewer hours while receiving the same wages. Such reforms could easily be financed by massive increases in taxation of the rich and the expropriation of the super-rich.




Land to the Peasants! No to Land Grabbing by the Multinational Corporations!


The same process of monopolization, which we are witness to in the industrial and service sectors, is taking place in the agriculture. While 382 million of the world’s 450 million farms (85%) are worked by small farmers, they control less than half of the land under permanent cultivation. The rest is owned by a small elite of agricultural corporations, big private landowners and mid-sized farmers. For decades, more and more small peasants have been forced by their governments to abandon diverse, nearly self-sufficient subsistence agriculture and switch to the cultivation of monoculture cash crops. In tens of millions of cases worldwide, this has resulted in their being crushed under huge debts unpayable with little income they derive as prices are determined globally for the one crop they raise. Ultimately these peasants are driven into extreme poverty, or worse, and are forced to sell their land and to migrate to urban areas to find precarious, highly-exploited employment. To give just one example: In India, during the decade from 2005-2014, more than 250,000 small farmers committed suicide because of their debts to the Monsanto corporation for the purchase of genetically modified seeds and fertilizers. Thus we see that, in recent decades, the proletarianization that was foisted upon the peasants in England in the years leading up to the industrial revolution has been and continues to take place in the South on a far greater scale. Of course, the only winners in this game are the vast agricultural corporations and big land-owners who gobble up the abandoned land to increase their profits. This trend towards the monopolization of the land has been only intensified by the recent wave of land-grabbing by multi-national corporations centered in the US, the EU or China. They buy up vast tracts of lands and expel the peasants – often with the help of the police and armed thugs.


These are major factors which explain why millions of people are forced to flee their homes and to join the urban poor or to become migrants and refugees in the rich imperialist countries.


The rural poor are the most important ally of the working class. Therefore, the RCIT calls the workers’ vanguard to energetically support the struggle of the poor peasants expressed in the following slogans:


* For the expropriation of the big landlords, the church and the multinationals!


* Nationalize the land under the control of workers and poor peasants!


* The land belongs to those who cultivate it!


* Only local democratic action councils representing the poor and landless peasants should decide the question of the allocation and use of the land!


* Promote voluntary agricultural cooperatives and the formation of larger state production units!


* Cancel debts and abolish rents for the peasants!


* Interest-free loans for small peasants!


On the same tenor, we call for the support of the urban poor and street peddlers in order to integrate them into the class struggle against the banks and the monopolies.




The Struggle of Oppressed Peoples against Imperialist Aggression


In a period of capitalist decay it is inevitable that the imperialist Great Powers intensify the oppression of politically weaker peoples in general and specifically increase the super-exploitation of semi-colonial countries. This is the background of the increased military aggression by the US, the EU or Russia that we are witnessing in recent years.


Examples of such aggression are the attacks of NATO in Afghanistan, Syria and Iraq; the Russian intervention in Syria and its brutal genocide of the Chechen people; the French intervention in Mali and the Central African Republic; and Israel’s ongoing wars of oppression and displacement against the Palestinian people. China, too, is increasingly sending troops abroad (e.g., to South Sudan) and intimidating semi-colonial countries like Vietnam. Yet another example of imperialist aggression is the continuous intimidation of North Korea by US imperialism and its South Korean ally.


In various cases the Great Powers let their local lackeys do the dirty work of assaulting rebellious people. For example, the African Union Mission in Somalia which is trying to smash the armed rebellion led by the Islamist al-Shabaab militia or the aggression of the army of Mali in the Azawad region. Also, we are witnessing the Saudi aggression against the people of Yemen.


In all such cases it is the utmost duty of revolutionaries to fight against the imperialist aggression. While such conflicts represent unjust wars of aggression on the side of the imperialists, for the oppressed peoples they are just defensive wars. Therefore, , the RCIT calls all upon socialists to stand unequivocally for the defeat of the Great Powers or their local allies and for the military victory of the oppressed peoples. Applying the anti-imperialist united front tactic as formulated by the revolutionary Communist International in 1919-23, we are on the side of those resisting the imperialist invaders, regardless of their non-revolutionary leaderships, while giving no political support for nationalist, Islamist or Stalinist forces!


We condemn those centrist forces who fail to support the struggles of the oppressed peoples against the imperialist powers, citing the non-revolutionary leaderships as an excuse (e.g., Peter Taffee’s CWI, Alan Woods’ IMT, the Lambertists as well as the Mandelist NPA). Some, like the CWI, even go as far as to support the existence of a “socialist” Israeli Zionist settler state.


Naturally, revolutionaries oppose the reactionary Salafi-Takfiri Daesh / Islamic State. This group is counter-revolutionary poison – it foments sectarian hatred and division among the peoples in the Muslim countries and, with its reactionary terrorist attacks against civilians, provides an excuse for the imperialist powers to continue their wars of aggression in the Middle East. While we would defend Daesh/IS in any confrontation with the imperialist Great Powers, we support the struggle of the Syrian rebels to liquidate this cancer.




Militarism and Inter-Imperialist Rivalry between the Great Powers


The decay of the capitalist system is intensifying the rivalry between the imperialist Great Powers (the US, EU, Japan, China and Russia). Consequently, we are witnessing an increasing number of conflicts between the Great Powers over spheres of influence (e.g., in the Ukraine, in Syria or in East Asia). Other manifestations of this rivalry are various projects of US imperialism (e.g., the various “free trade agreements”) as well as of the new Eastern imperialists (China and Russia) which are increasingly challenging the hegemony of the old Western imperialists (e.g., China’s Nicaragua Canal Development Project; the New Development Bank operated by the BRICS states as an alternative to the existing American and European-dominated World Bank and International Monetary Fund; the spread of trade conducted in Yuan and Ruble, etc.). Another manifestation of this accelerating rivalry are the economic sanctions imposed by the US and EU imperialism against Russia during the civil war in the Ukraine. In the period of capitalist decay, the perpetual more acceleration of this rivalry is inevitable. If the working class does not liquidate the Great Powers in time in an international socialist revolution, humanity’s existence is threatened by World War III.


Against the backdrop of the accelerating rivalry between the Great Powers, the workers’ movement is increasingly dominated by various trends of social-imperialism – not dissimilar to the period after 1914. Thus, in the present period, failing to recognize the existence of different, rivaling imperialist powers (i.e., ignoring the emergence of the new Great Powers, China and Russia) or failing to take a consistent revolutionary defeatist stand against all imperialist states, condemns any self-proclaimed socialist organization to political disorientation. In fact, the populist and reformist bureaucracies, as well as large sectors of centrism, opportunistically adapt, whether openly or covertly, to one or another Great Power. Basically we can distinguish three different trends among these revisionist tendencies:


i) The pro-Western social-imperialists and social-pacifists, who capitulate to the old Western imperialist powers by either openly supporting their wars by taking a pacifist position or by failing to support the resistance against them (e.g., in Afghanistan, Iraq, Mali, and Gaza). Among these forces are Western social-democrats and various (ex-)Stalinists (e.g., the Party of the European Left) as well as a number of right-wing centrists.


ii) The pro-Eastern social-imperialists and social-pacifists, who either openly or covertly support the emerging imperialist powers in the East (e.g., Russia’s involvement in the Ukraine and Syria, and China’s aggression in East Asia) or support their reactionary proxies against democratic popular uprisings (e.g., Assad in Syria). Among these forces are many Castro-Chavista parties in Latin America, Stalinist parties (e.g., KPRF in Russia, CPI(M) in India), as well as a number of centrist groups.


iii) A smaller current, mostly centrist sects, are the Imperialist Economists, who recognize the imperialist character of both the Great Powers in the West as well in the East, but who fail to understand the nature of the increasing number of just national and democratic movements and uprisings. As a result, they tend to take abstentionist positions in democratic revolutions and anti-imperialist struggles – confusing them as simply “conflicts between imperialist proxies.


Only the Proletarian Internationalists – to which the RCIT belongs – take a consistent and intransigent approach against all imperialist powers based on the Bolshevik program of “revolutionary defeatism.” We say: Down with all imperialist Great Powers – whether the US, EU, Japan, China or Russia! In any political, economic or military conflict between these Great Powers, the workers’ movement must not give support to any one of them, but must instead declare: The Main Enemy is at Home! No to imperialist sanctions which are nothing but an instrument of economic warfare!


While we oppose all forms of bourgeois armies and fight for their replacement by workers’ and popular militias, we oppose the introduction of professional armies and the abolition of conscription as a step towards the creation of an even more submissive bourgeois army.


At the same time, proletarian internationalists support all just national and democratic movements of the oppressed masses, while fighting against imperialist interference and for a program of class independence and socialist revolution.




The Defense of Minorities against National Oppression


The growing importance of the democratic question is also reflected in the increasing number of struggles of national and ethnic minorities against national oppression. There have been important struggles of oppressed nations both in imperialist countries (e.g., the Catalans and Basques in Spain, the Irish in Britain, the Chechens in Russia, the Uyghurs and Tibetans in China) as well as in semi-colonial countries (e.g., the Palestinians, the Kurdish people, the Tamils in Sri Lanka, the Kashmiri in India, etc.). Furthermore, many ethnic groups face increasing oppression (e.g., the Ogoni and the Ijaw in the Niger Delta, the indigenous people in Latin America, the US, Australia, and New Zealand). The brutal persecution of the black African-American minority in the US is another example of the rise of racism and national oppression.


Finally, we also cite the rising of minorities composed of migrants in most imperialist countries (as well as in the Gulf States) where they constitute, in their huge majority, a nationally oppressed and economically super-exploited sector of the working class (irrespective of their objectively being lower strata of the petty bourgeoisie). In the last decade, Islamophobia has become a particular vicious form of racism.


The RCIT strives to achieve the closest unity between the workers and oppressed of different nations and religious beliefs. However, this goal is impossible to achieve by simply denying existing national oppression or by abstract appeals to “class unity.” This task can only succeed if revolutionaries acknowledge the oppression and fight for the full equality of the oppressed group.


Thus, the RCIT calls upon the workers’ vanguard to oppose all forms of chauvinism, pressure to assimilate, etc., and to implement the program of revolutionary equality. Socialists unconditionally defend the right to national self-determination for all oppressed peoples. Socialists must support the struggle for full equality (equality of their native language, equality of citizenship rights, equal wages, etc.), local self-government and territorial autonomy. Whenever an oppressed people wishes to have an independent state, socialists are obligated to support this demand.


The internationalist struggle for revolutionary equality of migrants sharply condemns all forms of opportunistic adaption to chauvinism inside the workers’ movement. We therefore condemn those British centrists who supported the chauvinist “British Jobs for British Workers” strike in 2009, who denounced the August Uprising in 2011, and who oppose the call for “Open Border for Migrants” (like the CWI and the IMT).




The Struggle to End Violence against Women


The acceleration of the class contradictions inevitably also leads to an exacerbation of the oppression of women. The most brutal and visible form of this oppression is the pervasive violence against women, including rape and murder (femicide). Violence against women, both inside and outside of families, a growing culture of the sexualization of women, justifying aggressive male behavior up to rape, an expanding sex industry where women are exposed to disgraceful conditions, etc., are the social environment which accelerates the oppression of women.


Official statistics indicate that every year 66,000 women are violently killed around the world– and this figure is certainly an underestimate. In Ciudad Juárez alone, on the border between Mexico and the US, hundreds of women are murdered every year. According to some estimates as many as 25,000 newly married women are killed or maimed each year in India as a result of dowry-related violence. Add to this the numerous “honor killings” of women in countries with a strong patriarchal culture.


The RCIT advocates a mass campaign by workers’ and popular mass organizations to combat all forms of violence against women. We must create a social climate where the “honor” of people is seriously damaged if they commit or even only endorse violence against women. It is crucial to build self-defense units of the workers and poor to defend women against violence. Such brigades must consist of and be directed primarily by women, but should also be accompanied by men who support this struggle.


Likewise, the workers’ and popular movements must fight for a public employment program in order to offer women the opportunity for secure full-time employment with equal wages, as well as the creation of a comprehensive child-care program to ensure the full integration of women in the working world.


Women’s oppression is an integral part of the class society and hence inextricably connected with capitalism. Consequently, women of the working class, of the urban poor and the poor peasantry are much more affected by their social oppression than women of the bourgeoisie or the middle class. For the same reason, women’s oppression can only be abolished by the revolutionary overthrow of the system of class exploitation. Therefore, the RCIT calls for the formation of a revolutionary women’s movement as part of the proletarian liberation struggle.




Capitalism and Climate Change


Decaying capitalism threatens to destroy the natural living conditions for increasingly larger sectors of humanity and ultimately to even make the planet as a whole inhabitable. In contrast to various petty-bourgeois environmentalist forces, socialists consider the climate disaster as a class issue. It can only be resolved by means of a working class and popular struggle against the Great Powers and their monopolies.


The biggest destroyers of the environment are the multinational corporations of the imperialist states - most notably the US (it alone produces 25% of all greenhouse gases!), the EU, Japan and, increasingly, the new imperialist superpower China. Britain, for example, produces 10 times as much CO2 per capita as India. On the other hand, the poorest 3 billion people worldwide contribute almost nothing to climate change.


Of course, today even the rulers talk about the need to reverse climate change. But these are phrases. The failures of the Kyoto Protocol and the climate summit in Copenhagen clearly demonstrate that the capitalists and their governments are unable and unwilling to stop climate change because of the negative impact that this will have on the profits of the capitalist corporations.


Only a radical reversal of the energy and environmental policy can save our planet and our future. Instead of hoping for a solution of the climate crisis by the capitalist governments and their “summits,” the RCIT calls for a global mass movement fighting for an international emergency plan to combat climate change. Such necessary steps include the emergency plan to convert the energy and transport system and for a global phasing out of fossil fuels and nuclear energy production tied to a program for public employment. Furthermore we call for the massive research into the use of alternative forms of energy such as wind, tidal and solar power as well as a program for global reforestation! The workers’ movement should fight for the nationalization under workers' control of all energy companies and all companies that are responsible for basic supplies such as water and agricultural products as well as the airlines, shipping and rail facilities.


The struggle for necessary environmental reforms must be combined with the aim of overthrowing capitalism, because only then can such an emergency plan to be implemented fully and permanently.




Workers’ and Poor Peasant Government versus “Left-Wing Government”


The workers and oppressed cannot escape the capitalist hell on earth without seizing power from the ruling class. Therefore, the central task of the working class is to fight for a government of its own, a government which opens the road to socialism.


A number of left-wing populists, reformists and centrists call for a “left-wing government” as a strategic slogan in the liberation struggle. While the RCIT advocates the application of the united front tactic to petty-bourgeois populist and reformist workers’ parties – including in the electoral field as well as in the adoption of slogans related to governmental policies – we warn against the illusionary strategy of so-called “left-wing government.” As recent history has demonstrated, all these “progressive” or “left-wing” governments have not only failed to break with capitalism but were even incapable of stopping their countries from becoming victims of the deep recessions which have resulted from the decay of capitalism: for example, the bankruptcy of the Brazil PT-led government of Dilma Rousseff, the Maduro government in Venezuela, the SYRIZA government in Greece. All these governments are in fact bourgeois-populist or popular-front governments which leave power and wealth in the hands of the capitalist class and which chain the working class and the oppressed to the bourgeois system. We therefore say that praising such “left-wing governments” as a way forward is a reformist betrayal of the working class.


This does not mean that revolutionaries should refrain from deploying the united front tactic towards parties which are part of such popular front governments and which have a strong base among the working class and the oppressed. Rather, the RCIT defends such governments against any attempted coup d'état by right-wing forces or imperialism. We call the workers and popular mass organizations to break with the openly bourgeois forces in such governments and to create their own government (like the Bolsheviks called the Mensheviks and Social-Revolutionaries to break with the Kadets in 1917).


Likewise the RCIT advocates critical electoral support for reformist workers’ parties or – in semi-colonial countries – for petty-bourgeois populist parties where they have significant support among the workers and oppressed.


However, all such demands and critical support must be combined with a clear warning about the inevitable betrayal of the leaderships of such reformist and populist parties.


We also state unambiguously that the only way forward is the creation of a workers’ government allied with the semi-proletarian layers and the poor strata of the rural and urban petty-bourgeoisie. Naturally, the actual application of this governmental slogan depends on the concrete social conditions of each country. Such a government should be based on action councils of the workers, peasant and poor as well as on armed popular militias. All representatives of these action councils are elected directly by the workers and can be recalled by them, and they should receive no more than the salary of an average skilled worker!


Such an authentic workers’ government would turn immediately to the decisive task of expropriating the capitalist class as well as smashing the apparatus of bourgeois state repression by means of workers' and people's militia.


In other words, the struggle for a workers’ and popular government is inextricably linked with the struggle for the socialist revolution.




Towards the Expropriation of the Bourgeoisie – For Socialist Revolution!


While the working class can achieve temporary victories, if it is fully utilizing the weight of its social power in the class struggle, it would be a terrible illusion to imagine that such reforms could be sustainable as long as the capitalist class controls the means of production. Any lasting reform, even more so, any successful defense of past victories, is even more illusionary in a period of decaying capitalism.


The only way forward is to wrest control of the means of production as well as the state apparatus from the bourgeoisie. This is why the RCIT understands the struggle for a workers’ and popular government as a subordinate tactic of the strategic goal: socialist revolution.


The struggle for a workers’ government must go hand in hand with the struggle for the nationalisation of banks and fusion into a single central bank as well as the nationalisation of large companies, large wholesale trade and transport organizations, and social, health, education and communication sectors without compensation and under workers' control. Similarly, the workers should fight for the expropriation of the superrich, for the abolition of the stock market as well as for the introduction of a foreign trade monopoly.


Contrary to the illusions of the left social democrats, Stalinist and various centrists (e.g., CWI, IMT), the socialist transformation cannot take place via parliamentary elections or in a gradual, peaceful way. All historic experience – both of successful socialist revolutions like Russia’s in 1917-21, bureaucratic social revolutions (e.g., Cuba in 1959-61, China in 1945-49), unfinished democratic revolutions (e.g., Nicaragua or Iran in 1979), or even stranded revolutions like the Spanish Civil War of 1936-39, Chile of 1973, the Arab Revolutions since 2011, etc. – demonstrates that the ruling class will never give up its power peacefully. The working class and the oppressed can only take power and overthrow capitalism if they organize themselves – under the leadership of a revolutionary party – in popular militias and prepares for armed insurrection, civil war and the dictatorship of the proletariat as the only means by which the struggle for liberation can be advanced.