Theses on Capitalism and Class Struggle in Black Africa (Part 4)


Key Lessons for a Revolutionary Strategy in Black Africa




Imperialist Domination and Authoritarian Regimes Remain in Place despite Formal Changes


1.                   Africa's history is rich with lessons for revolutionaries. Most directly, it demonstrates that, in the age of imperialism, the formal political independence of a state is certainly not synonymous with notions of real independence. Imperialism and its monopolies keep the semi-colonial countries – like those in black Africa – in a perpetual state of dependence by controlling of their economies, by exploiting their raw materials, and by intractably tying them to the world market. In other words, ostensible formal independence is instead actually disguised dependence on the imperialists, because the formally independent semi-colonial counties invariably remain economically and thus politically subservient to the capitalistically stronger Great Powers and their monopoly capitalists.


2.                   The same insight also applies to the struggle against Apartheid. While formal Apartheid was abolished in South Africa in 1994, the oppression of the black majority population by the mostly white bourgeoisie continues until today. This oppression has only been modified in appearance by the incorporation of a small group of new Black capitalists and politicians into the South African power structure.


3.                   More generally, while the continent succeeding in ending its formal colonial occupation, subsequent to gaining their “independence” nearly all African states remain under the iron fist of open dictatorships or pseudo-democratic regimes of a strong Bonapartist character. Nevertheless, or rather because of this, the continent is shaken by popular uprisings against authoritarian and corrupt regimes. Even in those cases where formal democracy has been achieved, a de facto Bonapartist and militarized regime remains in place. These local authoritarian regimes are crucial for the preservation of the imperialist order. Without them, the imperialist Great Powers and monopolies would be unable to continue the oppression and super-exploitation of the continent.


4.                   Naturally, this does not make superfluous the general struggle for independence and national self-determination or democratic rights. Quite the contrary, the national and democratic struggles, directed against all imperialist powers and against the local dictatorships and pseudo-democratic regimes, continue to play a central role in the quest for African liberation.




Breaking the Capitalist Chain – The Program of Permanent Revolution


5.                   However, it is important not to limit this struggle to achieving formal independence, racial equality or formal democracy because, as we have seen, these purely formal changes in fact don’t change the substance of national, racial and democratic oppression. Hence, complete liberation from imperialist oppression and super-exploitation is only possible if the working class – in alliance with the poor peasants and the urban poor – decisively breaks the capitalist chain and overthrows the bourgeois class, meaning both its foreign as well as domestic component. Only under such conditions will it be possible to establish true democracy and self-determination.


6.                   From this it follows that the revolutionary class struggle – contrary to the myth spread by the Stalinists and bourgeois nationalists – must not strive for mechanically separate stages of revolution and must not be subordinated to any faction of the bourgeoisie, but rather must continue without interruption until the proletariat has conquered power and established its dictatorship. In the words of Trotsky: “No matter what the first episodic stages of the revolution may be in the individual countries, the realization of the revolutionary alliance between the proletariat and the peasantry is conceivable only under the political leadership of the proletariat vanguard, organized in the Communist Party. This in turn means that the victory of the democratic revolution is conceivable only through the dictatorship of the proletariat which bases itself upon the alliance with the peasantry and solves first of all the tasks of the democratic revolution. (…) The dictatorship of the proletariat which has risen to power as the leader of the democratic revolution is inevitably and, very quickly confronted with tasks, the fulfillment of which is bound up with deep inroads into the rights of bourgeois property. The democratic revolution grows over directly into the socialist revolution and thereby becomes a permanent revolution.[1]


7.                   Petty-bourgeois populists oppose the Marxist conception of the centrality of the working class as the leading force in the struggle for accomplishing both the democratic as well as the social tasks of the revolution. Therefore they feel comforted by the fact that the working class constitutes only a minority among the African people. However, their solace is historically and strategically wrong. The centrality of the working class in the revolutionary struggle is not, and has never been, founded upon its numerical majority. In the times of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Trotsky, there were no or only very few countries with a proletarian majority. Nevertheless, the Bolsheviks in Russia succeeded in achieving the first socialist revolution in humanity's history. In fact, in most African countries, the working class constitutes a higher share among the population today than it was the case in Russia in 1917. No, the central role of the proletariat in the revolutionary conception is based on (a) its key role as the producer of the capitalist value, without which profits and corporations could not exist and (b) its ability to produce a collective class consciousness (in contrast to the small property owners). Naturally, in order to transform this potential revolutionary role into an actual force for revolution, the working class needs to create a revolutionary party which can lead this struggle on the basis of a socialist program.




The Revolutionary Struggle against Imperialism


8.                   Therefore, the RCIT maintains that revolutionaries all over the world must commit themselves to continue their struggle against imperialism. While this struggle is of utmost importance for revolutionaries both in Africa as well as in the imperialist metropolises, this task manifests itself differently for revolutionaries in these two areas. In the imperialist states, like North America, the EU, Russia or China, the Bolshevik-Communists call for resistance against the imperialists' aggression in Africa and the super-exploitation of the workers and oppressed on that continent. They fight against "free trade" deals, against Structural Adjustment Programs as well as against the sellout of Africa's economy and land to imperialist corporations, as these measures only intensify misery on the continent. Furthermore, they are not only opposed to the ruling class' adventures, but also give unconditional support to the resistance of the African people against the imperialist forces and their local allies, without lending political support to the leaderships of such struggles (e.g., in Mali or in Somalia). Likewise they oppose imperialist sanctions against African countries, like those against Zimbabwe.


9.                   Vital to conducting a struggle against imperialism, in fact an indispensible and essential ingredient in doing so, is identifying all imperialist states as such. Thus, the RCIT strongly opposes the myth spread by the Stalinists and various bourgeois nationalists, who deny the imperialist character of China and who advocate close collaboration with the Chinese CP and its state. China is as much an imperialist state as are North America, Western Europe or Japan and consequently has to be opposed in the same spirit by the African working class. We emphasize that those who deny or ignore the imperialist nature of China, inevitably end up on the side of the counterrevolution, as they – by the inner logic of their own position – have to side in one way or another with China. However, revolutionaries do not identify the Chinese working class and poor peasantry with the imperialist state. While we seek close collaboration and joint struggle with the Chinese workers and oppressed, we oppose any alliance with the rulers in Beijing.


10.               Such a consistent anti-imperialism is based on the principles developed by the Communist International in the times of Lenin and Trotsky, and was stated by the Second Congress of the Comintern: “The Socialist who aids directly or indirectly in perpetuating the privileged position of one nation at the expense of another, who accommodates himself to colonial slavery, who draws a line of distinction between races and colors in the matter of human rights, who helps the bourgeoisie of the metropolis to maintain its rule over the colonies instead of aiding the armed uprising of the colonies; the British Socialist who fails to support by all possible means the uprisings in Ireland, Egypt and India against the London plutocracy – such a Socialist deserves to be branded with infamy, if not with a bullet, but in no case merits either a mandate or the confidence of the proletariat.” [2] In the same spirit, Trotsky later explained the crucial difference between Bolshevism and pseudo-Marxist centrism: Nevertheless, Ledebour’s position even on this question does not leave the precincts of centrism. Ledebour demands that a battle be waged against colonial oppression; he is ready to vote in parliament against colonial credits; he is ready to take upon himself a fearless defense of the victims of a crushed colonial insurrection. But Ledebour will not participate in preparing a colonial insurrection. Such work he considers putschism, adventurism, Bolshevism. And therein is the whole gist of the matter. What characterizes Bolshevism on the national question is that in its attitude toward oppressed nations, even the most backward, it considers them not only the object but also the subject of politics. Bolshevism does not confine itself to recognizing their ’right‘ to self-determination and to parliamentary protests against the trampling upon of this right. Bolshevism penetrates into the midst of the oppressed nations; it raises them up against their oppressors; it ties up their struggle with the struggle of the proletariat in capitalist countries; it instructs the oppressed Chinese, Hindus, or Arabs in the art of insurrection and it assumes full responsibility for this work in the face of civilized executioners. Here only does Bolshevism begin, that is, revolutionary Marxism in action. Everything that does not step over this boundary remains centrism.“ [3]


11.               Furthermore, revolutionaries in the imperialist states totally oppose the imperialist chauvinism against migrants and refugees from the South. They fight against the racist immigration control and call for open borders. Likewise, revolutionaries stand for full equality of migrants in the imperialist countries (equal wages, full citizenship rights, equal status for the migrants' native languages, etc.). Revolutionaries emphasize the necessity of jointly organizing with migrant workers and of the providing of practical support by the labor movements in the rich countries to their brothers and sisters in the South.


12.               As part of this struggle, the Bolshevik-Communists in the imperialist countries fight against all forms of social-chauvinism inside the workers movement. They denounce those reformists like the ex-Stalinist PCF and Jean-Luc Mélenchon who supported the military intervention of French imperialism in Mali as well as the declaration of the state of emergency in autumn 2015. We also sharply oppose the German Linkspartei whose Stalinist leader, Sarah Wagenknecht, calls for more immigration control and more police on the streets to monitor refugees. Likewise, we denounce those centrists like the French LO who support the ban of the hijab for Muslim girls in schools, as well as those (like the NPA) who fail to call for support of the armed resistance against the French occupiers in Mali.


13.               In Africa, revolutionaries oppose their "own" bourgeoisie too. However, here the Bolshevik-Communists attack the African bourgeoisie for its organic inability and unwillingness to fight against the old and new colonial powers. They denounce the African bourgeoisie because it plays a crucial role in keeping the workers and peasants of the continent under imperialist tutelage. While there can be tactical disagreements between the local black bourgeoisie and imperialism, the African capitalist class is deeply and inextricably linked to the Great Powers and their monopolies. The African bourgeoisie could not make any profits without their business with the imperialist corporations, without joint ventures, without loans from imperialist banks, without being able to ship their wealth to imperialist tax heavens, etc. Today the African bourgeoisie is attempting to vacillate between the US, the European and the Chinese imperialists in order to raise its own share of the surplus value which is squeezed out of the continents' working class and oppressed. Under no circumstances can a semi-colonial bourgeoisie – like that of Africa – play an independent role and lead a consistent struggle against the Great Powers. Even if there are tactical disagreements, which might lead to temporary conflicts between a semi-colonial bourgeoisie and one or another imperialist power, this will either lead to the subordination of that bourgeoisie to another Great Power (e.g. China) or, in the end, to its capitulation.


14.               Therefore while revolutionaries in Africa support concrete measures taken against imperialist states (e.g., nationalizations of foreign enterprises, higher customs for imperialist import commodities, etc.) – even if such measures are adopted by African bourgeois governments for demagogic reasons – they expose the inconsistent and temporary nature of such bourgeois "anti-imperialism." Hence, the RCIT emphasizes the necessity for African workers and oppressed not to place any trust in the rhetoric of their bourgeoisie against one or more Great Powers, but to organize and fight independently.


15.               Given the huge ongoing crisis of revolutionary leadership, the opposition to imperialist aggression and dictatorships, or even popular liberation struggles against these forms of oppression, is usually led by petty-bourgeois nationalist or Islamist and, in some cases, even bourgeois forces. Under such circumstances, the RCIT calls upon revolutionaries to apply the tactic of the United Front (including the Anti-Imperialist United Front) as it was developed by the Communist International in the times of Lenin and Trotsky. This tactic basically directs revolutionaries to attempt to undertake joint practical actions with non-revolutionary forces to achieve the broadest possible unity of the working class and its allied oppressed layers and classes in the struggle against imperialism and the bourgeoisie. At the same time as they undertake such joint actions, revolutionaries warn against any illusion in their petty-bourgeois and bourgeois allies, and call for the independent organization of the workers and oppressed. [4]


16.               Revolutionaries in Africa strongly oppose the rising chauvinism fostered by reactionary forces among the ruling class and the middle layers against migrants. Such counter-revolutionary hatred has even led, for example, to pogroms against Nigerian and Zimbabwe migrants in South Africa. Revolutionaries call for international unity among the workers and oppressed irrespective of their national and ethnic origin. However, a different issue is the problem of the white and Chinese settlers who have come as local representatives of imperialist powers. In such cases, revolutionaries call these settlers either to break with "their" colonial power and to support the African liberation struggle, or to leave the country. Likewise they defend the right of African states to block the influx of such settlers.




Imperialist Chauvinism and the Anti-Imperialist Patriotism of the Oppressed


17.               Revolutionaries consistently warn the workers and oppressed against any form of bourgeois nationalism. However, the RCIT strongly differentiates between the nationalism of the oppressed and the nationalism of the oppressor. The nationalism of the imperialist oppressor (or the white or Chinese settlers) is totally reactionary and must be fought by revolutionaries by any means necessary. However, the nationalism of the oppressed contains a progressive element, as it expresses the just struggle against the foreign imperialist aggressor. In that sense revolutionaries support the patriotism of the oppressed insofar as it is directed against the oppressor. Hence, the RCIT calls to combine the anti-imperialist patriotism of the oppressed with a proletarian internationalism, i.e., the struggle for the international unity of the workers of all continents and for the support of workers and popular uprisings both inside as well as outside of Africa; for example: the Syrian Revolution, the struggle of the Yemeni people against the Saudi invasion, the resistance of the Brazilian workers and poor against the coup-regime of Temer, of the black and migrant workers and youth in the U.S., etc.


18.               At the same time, the Bolshevik-Communists warn against the bourgeois nationalism or Pan-Africanism which the black bourgeoisie on the continent often utilizes to deflect public attention from its own failures. Lenin's statement ‒ made at the time about the bourgeoisie of oppressed peoples in Europe – remains valid for all oppressed people today: "The bourgeoisie of the oppressed nations persistently utilise the slogans of national liberation to deceive the workers; in their internal policy they use these slogans for reactionary agreements with the bourgeoisie of the dominant nation (for example, the Poles in Austria and Russia who come to terms with reactionaries for the oppression of the Jews and Ukrainians); in their foreign policy they strive to come to terms with one of the rival imperialist powers for the sake of implementing their predatory plans (the policy of the small Balkan states, etc.)." [5]


19.               A concrete and actual example for international solidarity is the Arab Revolution. Starting in December 2010 in Tunisia, these revolutionary democratic uprisings of the workers and oppressed against the local dictatorships – which played a key role as oil producers for the Great Powers as well as local gendarmes for the imperialist regional order – rapidly spread to Egypt, Libya, Bahrain, Syria, Yemen and other countries. However, given the decisive intervention of the Great Powers and the old ruling class, the lack of a revolutionary leadership, the misleading or even treacherous role of various petty-bourgeois liberal and Islamist forces, this revolutionary process suffered – after some temporary victories – a series of important defeats. In Tunisia, Egypt and Libya the revolution – after successfully overthrowing the reactionary dictatorships of Ben Ali, Mubarak and Gaddafi – was derailed by bourgeois liberal and Islamist forces. In Egypt it suffered a strategic defeat when General al-Sisi launched a military coup on 3 July 2013. In Syria, the reactionary Assad clan started a genocidal civil war against its own population which until now has cost the lives of at least half a million people and which has transformed half of the population into refugees. Furthermore, the popular struggles for liberation are endangered by the accelerating imperialist aggression of Russia, the US and other imperialist powers and their local gendarmes (like the Gulf monarchies, the Iraqi government and Erdoğan) as well as the emergence of the counter-revolutionary Takfiri-Salafists of Daesh. Despite all these setbacks, the revolutionary struggle of the workers and oppressed continues – in particular in Syria and Yemen. Up to now, the Arab Revolution remains the most developed manifestation of the historic revolutionary period which started in 2008. It is impossible to be a revolutionary today without standing in unambiguous solidarity with the popular struggles against reactionary dictatorships and imperialist aggression. The solidarity of black African revolutionaries with the popular struggles in the Arab world can also play a crucial role in uniting the black African and the Arab peoples on the continent, and hence advance a truly Pan-African unity. [6]




The Independence of the Working Class and the Struggle against the Popular Front


20.               The precondition for the successful liberation struggle is the leading role of the working class. Without such a leading role, the leadership will automatically fall into the hands of bourgeois forces or petty-bourgeois forces which – incapable of playing an independent role in the long run – will sooner or later either lose power or willingly hand it over in an attempt to fuse with a sector of the bourgeoisie. This is the fundamental lesson of all revolutions since 1848 and, therefore, it constitutes a core principle of the Marxist doctrine.


21.               A central tenet in the struggle for working class independence is opposition to any subordination of proletarian mass organizations – first and foremost the trade unions – to the bourgeois state or any faction of the bourgeoisie. The same holds true for all other mass organizations of poor peasants, women, youth and other oppressed. Such cross-class alliances constitute what Marxists call a "popular front" – a Stalinist conception which has invariably misled the proletariat and the oppressed and brought them to defeat. Such subordination can be implemented by open affiliation with a bourgeois government party (e.g., the South African ANC government, the Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe), by constituting a political alliance with a sector of the bourgeoisie (e.g., the MDC of Morgan Tsvangirai in Zimbabwe) or with various imperialist states. In addition, such subordinating links with imperialist states can exist indirectly via the trade union bureaucracy of, say, the US's AFL-CIO, the EU's ETUC or the Chinese state union federation (ACFTU). Revolutionaries oppose all such forms of political collaboration with the bourgeoisie and its state and fight inside the trade unions to cut such ties.


22.               The struggle for working class independence is inextricably linked with the struggle against the trade union bureaucracy and for the broadening of the union's base. The trade union's subordination to the bourgeoisie always takes place via the bureaucratic apparatus whose appetite for posts and privileges leads them to the manger of the ruling class. Revolutionaries call for the building of a rank-and-file movement in opposition to the bureaucracy, one that can fight both for more democratic rights and a militant union policy, and which has the goal of liberating the union from the bureaucracy. Furthermore, revolutionaries work towards mobilizing and organizing those layers of the proletariat which are not already members of the union (which is usually the huge majority of the class). The same tactics should be applied in other mass organizations of the working class and the oppressed.




The Struggle for Pan-African Unity


23.               As we have shown, Africa's modern history is characterized by colonial occupation and imperialist plunder. The legacy of this has been the creation of artificial borders between the states and the fostering of tensions and divisions between ethnic tribes (e.g., the tensions between Hutu and the Tutsi in Rwanda, between the Xhosa and the Zulu in South Africa, or between the Shona and Ndebele in Zimbabwe). The ongoing imperialist policy of divide et impera as well as the reactionary policy of bourgeois African leaders looking for factional support along tribal lines has been a huge obstacle for the formation of modern nations. While this process is unevenly developed in different countries, it remains a crucial issue in black Africa, as is reflected by the fact that between 1,200 and 3,000 languages are spoken on the continent.


24.               At the same time, the modern black liberation movement in Africa has always raised the issue of Pan-African unity. Naturally, revolutionaries support the desire to overcome tribal, ethnic and national divisions. Such a process of unification generally strives for the unification of the black people on the continent first. However, revolutionaries should always emphasize the need to respect the rights of all ethnic minorities (e.g., the Indian population in South Africa). More generally, the program of Pan-African unity should emphasize, on one hand, the voluntary and federal character of the union rather than any artificial centralization and, on the other hand, the importance of local self-government. Any centralist conception will inevitably provoke the feeling of discrimination among significant parts of the African peoples and create huge tensions, i.e., it would destroy the hope for Pan-African unity.


25.               Africa cannot be united on the basis of capitalism. Such a capitalist unity – if possible at all – would inevitably lead to the discrimination and oppression of significant sectors of the oppressed peoples. Revolutionaries fight for the unification of Africa on the basis of a socialist program leading to the overthrow of the capitalist class and the creation of a federation of workers’ and poor peasants' republics.




The Revolutionary World Party and its African Sections


26.               The African working class suffers – like their brothers and sisters on all other continents – from the terrible crisis of leadership. The official leaderships are usually aligned the government or with bourgeois parties. Or they are led by petty-bourgeois populist forces – like Julius Malema's EEF in South Africa – that have no strategy of working class struggle but rather focus on electoral campaigns and participation in the mechanism of bourgeois power.


27.               The most important task of Marxists is the creation of revolutionary parties throughout all African countries as part of the struggle to build a revolutionary world party. Such a party should be based on a revolutionary program in the tradition of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Trotsky. It will have the task to organize the working class for the struggle for power, i.e., to overthrow the bourgeoisie and to build a workers’ and peasant republic.


28.               There is no national road to build a world party, only an international road. Hence, a true revolutionary party as well as pre-party organization must exist as an international formation from the beginning. Without an international organization, national centeredness and finally nationalist deviations are unavoidable – as there is no consciousness without matter and no spirit without a body.


29.               Likewise, a revolutionary party as well as pre-party organization must be based on the organizational methods of Bolshevism (Democratic Centralism, cadre organization, etc.). It should orient towards winning the best militants among the working class and the oppressed. Hence, we reject the orientation of many pseudo-Marxist organizations toward the middle class intelligentsia as well as the labor bureaucracy. Such work cannot be conducted by the means of propaganda alone, but has to be combined with exemplary work among the masses. [7]


30.               In most African countries, there is not only no revolutionary workers’ party but not even a reformist, i.e., a bourgeois, workers’ party. In those cases where such a party does exist (e.g., the South African CP) it has become so degenerated that they repel the workers’ vanguard, as we witnessed in the post-Marikana period. In such situations – when the working class has no independent party but at the same time does not yet understand the necessity to create a revolutionary party – revolutionaries advocate the New Workers Party tactic. This means that revolutionaries call upon the workers’ vanguard and mass organizations to found a new workers’ party (or “Labor Party”). They will have to fight against the danger of reformist degeneration of such a workers’ party. The fate of the Zimbabwean MDC in the early 2000s is a powerful example for this. To avoid this danger, revolutionaries will have to advocate a revolutionary program for the new workers’ party, i.e., a full transitional program as the party’s central principle. They will build a revolutionary tendency within such a party which will fight for the leadership of the party by exposing the betrayal of the reformists and the centrists in actual struggles. However, revolutionaries must not be ultimatimists. In other words, they must not enter such a labor party, present their program and, if rejected, immediately leave the party. Such a sectarian tactic would only be in the service of reformist forces trying to control such a party. Communists must attempt to win over rank and file workers and youth and left-wing forces within the party by proposing concrete campaigns which help to advance the class struggle and the political development of the party in a militant, socialist direction. Of course, sooner or later the party will stand at a crossroads: either it will develop in a revolutionary direction and become a truly socialist party or it will degenerate bureaucratically and be transformed into a reformist force.


31.               Surely, at this moment authentic revolutionaries cannot simply found a revolutionary party, as they are too small in numbers and not sufficiently rooted in the working class. But big accomplishments in the history of humanity are never gifts from heaven but are achieved by hard and systematic work. Forming an organized international unit of determined revolutionary workers and oppressed, based on a common program and a joint understanding of their practical and organizational methods is the most important prerequisite to build such a new, revolutionary International. It will be instrumental in the winning over of additional, broader sectors of the workers’ vanguard at a later date. This is the project the RCIT is dedicated to. We call African revolutionaries to join us in advancing this struggle!




No future without socialism!


No socialism without a revolution!


No revolution without a revolutionary party!


[1] Leon Trotsky: The Permanent Revolution (1929), Pathfinder Press, New York 1969, p. 277

[2] Communist International: Manifesto of the Second World Congress (1920); in: Leon Trotsky: The First Five Years of the Communist International, Volume 1, New Park Publication 1973, p. 153,

[3] Leon Trotsky: What Next? Vital Questions for the German Proletariat (January 1932),

[4] See on this RCIT: Theses on the Principles of the United Front Tactic and Its Application to the Current Conditions of Class Struggle, 9 April 2016, in: Revolutionary Communism No. 50, as well as the book by Michael Pröbsting: Marxism and the United Front Tactic Today. The Struggle for Proletarian Hegemony in the Liberation Movement and the United Front Tactic Today. On the Application of the Marxist United Front Tactic in Semi-Colonial and Imperialist Countries in the Present Period, May 2016,

[5] V. I. Lenin: The Socialist Revolution and the Right of Nations to Self-Determination (1916); in: LCW 22, p. 148

[6] See on this e.g. RCIT: Revolution and Counterrevolution in the Arab World: An Acid Test for Revolutionaries, 31 May 2015, as well as the corresponding chapters in our past World Perspectives documents (World Perspectives 2017, chapter IV,; World Perspectives 2016, chapter IV.2,; World Situation January 2015, chapter III,; World Situation April 2014, chapter II,; World Situation September 2013, chapter III,; World Situation March 2013, Theses 20-24,

[6] On the Syrian Revolution see e.g. The Syrian Revolution and the Assassination of the Russian Ambassador to Turkey, Joint Statement of the International Secretariat of the RCIT and Sınıf Savaşı (Section of the RCIT in Turkey), 21.12.2016; Michael Pröbsting: The Looming Kerry-Lavrov Agreement – A Great Power Conspiracy against the Syrian Revolution, 06.10.2016,; Joint Statement: Solidarity with Aleppo! Hands off Syria! 4 October 2016,; Syria: For an Independent Revolutionary Road! Down with the Bombing and Siege against Aleppo! Stop the Turkish Invasion and Occupation! No to the Imperialist Conspiracy against the Syrian Masses! Joint Statement of the RCIT and Sınıf Savaşı (Turkey), 25.09.2016,; Yossi Schwartz: The Revolution in Syria won a Tactical Victory! Down with Assad the Butcher! 21 August 2016,; The Imperialist Counterrevolution Threatens the Syrian Revolution! Down with the Great Powers’ Wars! Solidarity with the Syrian Revolution against the Assad Dictatorship! For a Socialist Federation in the Maghreb and Mashreq! Joint Statement of the Agrupación de Lucha Socialista (ALS) and the Revolutionary Communist International Tendency (RCIT), 07.12.2015,; RCIT: Great Powers Aim to Liquidate the Syrian Revolution! Mobilize for International Solidarity with the Syrian Liberation Struggle against the Assad Dictatorship! Stop the US, Russian and French Air Strikes! No to Daesh/IS-Terrorism! 18.11.2015,; RCIT: Revolution against Russian Imperialism! Stop the US, UK and French Air Strikes! Smash the Assad Dictatorship! 9.10.2015,; RCIT: Revolution and Counterrevolution in the Arab World: An Acid Test for Revolutionaries, 31 May 2015,; RCIT: The Arab Revolution is a central touchstone for socialists! Open Letter to All Revolutionary Organizations and Activists, 4.10.2013, For many more RCIT documents on the Arab Revolution see on our website:

[7] See on this the RCIT's book by Michael Pröbsting: Building the Revolutionary Party in Theory and Practice. Looking Back and Ahead after 25 Years of Organized Struggle for Bolshevism, December 2014,