By Michael Pröbsting, Revolutionary Communist International Tendency (RCIT), 16 September 2025, www.thecommunists.net

 

 

 

In the following article we shall deal with some questions which have come up with the popular uprising in Nepal. They are, by far, not an exhaustive list of the tasks, opportunities and dangers of the struggles ahead. But we think that understanding these questions are a precondition for elaborating a revolutionary strategy for the coming period.

 

 

 

The roots of the revolutionary wave

 

 

 

First, it is essential to understand the international nature of the current revolutionary process in Southern and Eastern Asia and its common cause. As we noted in our statement on the uprising in Nepal, this has not been an isolated event but is rather part of a series of popular insurrections in the region. ^[1] Among these are the ongoing revolutionary civil war against the military dictatorship in Burma/Myanmar since 2021, [2] the Aragalaya in Sri Lanka in 2022, [3] the July Revolution in Bangladesh in 2024, [4] and the ongoing popular uprising in Indonesia. [5] To this one could add the repeated mass protests in Pakistan against the persecution of Imran Khan.

 

These uprisings are part of a common process not only because they take place in the same region and within a short period of time. They are also interlinked because they influence each other and because they have common roots.

 

It is not difficult to understand that events of rebelling workers and youth are viewed with high interests by their brothers and sisters in neighbouring countries and inspire them. This is even more the case as they face similar problems. Irrespective of national peculiarities, the uprisings in Burma/Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Indonesia and Nepal have all been directed against political regimes which were authoritarian and thoroughly corrupted (with close connections to an extremely wealthy political and economic elite). In other words, in terms of their aspirations, these have all been democratic revolutions.

 

Moreover, these uprisings have taken place in similar circumstances: capitalist societies which are riven by extreme social inequality with a small rich elite facing popular masses who live in poverty with many forced to leave the country in order to work abroad as cheap migrant labour force.

 

More generally, we can link the current process of political explosions with two similar waves of uprisings. In 2019 up to early 2020 popular masses rose up all over the world – from Hongkong to Chile and from Sudan to Catalunya. [6] And before this there was the Great Arab Revolution which started in 2011 and which brought down several dictators – from Ben Ali in Tunisia, Gaddafi in Libya, and Mubarak in Egypt (all in 2011), to Saleh in Yemen (2012), Omar al-Bashir in Sudan (2019), and, finally, Assad in Syria (2024). [7]

 

These waves of revolutionary upheavals reflect the explosive nature of the historic period which has opened up in 2008 with the Great Recession. This period has been characterised by economic stagnation and decline of global capitalism, rising civilisation threats as well as accelerating inter-imperialist rivalry, wars, counterrevolutions and revolutions on a political scale. [8]

 

Hence, Marxists need to understand the revolutions in Nepal, Indonesia, Sri Lanka etc. not only and not primarily as nationally isolated events but rather as links in chains of a globally revolutionary process. Currently, it is Southern and Eastern Asia which has become an epicentre of political explosions.

 

In his book on the permanent revolution, Trotsky once noted: „Marxism takes its point of departure from world economy, not as a sum of national parts but as a mighty and independent reality which has been created by the international division of labour and the world market, and which in our epoch imperiously dominates the national markets.“ ^[9] Hence, he concluded that “internationalism is no abstract principle but a theoretical and political reflection of the character of world economy, of the world development of productive forces and the world scale of the class struggle.” ^[10]

 

The current events in Asia underline the truth content of Trotsky’s statement. These events, their causes and nature can only be understood if they are recognised as part of an international process.

 

 

 

Uprisings as result of imperialist conspiracy?

 

 

 

Since the downfall of the Nepalese government, a number of conspiracy theories have begun circulating which suspect that the popular uprising has been the result of a plot by U.S. imperialism. As the progressive Indian journalist Sankha Subhra Biswas notes both “left-wing” as well as right-wing forces “attribute the mass movement in Nepal to the influence of US imperialism.” Hindutva chauvinists “suggest a conspiracy by the US against India” while various kinds of Stalinists and Maoists paint a picture of a Western-led “colour revolution” [11]

 

The problem with conspiracy theories is not that they believe in the existence of conspiracies. Of course, such exist (contrary to what the liberal mainstream media tell us) – otherwise why would all governments around the world spend billions of dollars for maintaining secret services?! The problem with such theories is rather that they wrongly try to explain grand political processes, upheavals and mass struggles as a result of conspiracies. The historical process and mass movements are driven by economic, political and social factors – not by the instigation of a few conspirators.

 

As we mentioned above, we have seen numerous popular uprisings on all continents in the past 14 years. These rebellions have been directed against regimes which were close to both Western as well as close to Eastern powers. When millions of young people in so many different countries on all continents rise up against capitalist regimes, this can hardly be the result of a (Western) imperialist conspiracy. Such uprisings are rather driven by the misery of poverty and oppression.

 

Of course, it is true that Western imperialism fears its Eastern rivals and wants to undermine these. But their method to enhance its position in inter-imperialist rivalry is not to spread revolutionary unrest but rather to bring Asian (and other) governments into its sphere of influence. The ruling class usually operates via bribing, pressuring, and manipulating the elite in other countries – and not by mobilising the masses.

 

We should note that such kind of conspiracy theories are as old as revolutionary upheavals. Cicero became famous when he speculated about such a “foreign conspiracy” at the time of the Great Slave Uprising led by Spartacus in 73-71 BCE. The Russian bourgeoisie accused the revolutionaries to act as agents of Japan (during the revolution in 1905 which happened in the midst of the Russo-Japanese War) or as German agents (during World War I and the revolution in 1917). When the Arab Revolution began, various Stalinists denounced the revolutionaries as “American agents”. The same in 2019, when right-wing ideologists denounced the mass protests in Latin America as “foreign conspiracy” and pro-Chinese Stalinists said the same nonsense about the uprising in Hong Kong. [12]

 

 

 

Unfinished democratic revolution

 

 

 

While the spontaneous mass uprisings in the past years have been truly impressive, it would be an indefensible mistake to ignore their problems and weaknesses. First of all, even if they succeeded in bring a regime down, they have failed to eliminate the roots of misery, corruption and poverty. Nepal itself is a classic example for this. Already in 2006, the masses brought down the reactionary monarchy. But while the country became a republic, the Maoists – which had led the uprising – did not nationalise the key sectors of the economy, did not expropriate the big landowners and distribute the land to the poor peasants and did not tackle caste and gender oppression. Quite the opposite, the leadership of these Maoist parties became corrupted servants of capitalism which is why today’s rebellion is directed also against them. [13]

 

Similar in Bangladesh where the July Revolution 2024 had brought down the authoritarian regimes of Sheikh Hasina. However, while some democratic freedoms had been won, the new government of Muhammad Yunus remains a servant of capitalist monopolies and imperialist Great Powers. Hence, Bangladesh remains trapped in super-exploitation and indebtedness.

 

Furthermore, in all these cases, the revolution was limited to replace the old elite with some new figures and to undertake some limited democratic reforms. But they did never touch the central pillars of capitalism – the institutions of the repressive state apparatus (army, police, justice) and the private ownership of industry, banks, and land.

 

This can only be done if the working class, in alliance with the urban and rural poor, takes power, expropriates the foreign and domestic big capitalists and replaces the old state apparatus with a new one which is based on popular councils and militias. Only such a workers’ and peasants’ government could enable a decisive rupture with capitalist power and money and open the road to internationalisation of the revolution, i.e. linking the struggle in one country with that in other countries which face similar problems.

 

However, such a perspective requires a clear strategy and the existence of a combat-tested party fighting for such a program – preconditions which do not exist yet. As a result, we see – even in those cases where the masses manage to overthrow a corrupted, authoritarian regime – only unfinished democratic revolutions. Such revolutions can only be completed when a revolution led by the working class overthrows the rule of the bourgeoisie and combines the democratic tasks with the socialist revolution. This was also the basic idea of Trotsky’s theory of permanent revolution.

 

„No matter what the first episodic stages of the revolution may be in the individual countries, the realization of the revolutionary alliance between the proletariat and the peasantry is conceivable only under the political leadership of the proletarian vanguard, organized in the Communist Party. This in tum means that the victory of the democratic revolution is conceivable only through the dictatorship of the proletariat which bases itself upon the alliance with the peasantry and solves first of all the tasks of the democratic revolution.“ ^[14]

 

 

 

Some problems of the revolution

 

 

 

There are various challenges for socialist activists in the current revolutionary developments. First, we see uprisings where youth play the leading role. Such a new generation is free from the burden of past defeats and the misleadership of old parties. At the same, such a new generation naturally lack political experience and organisation. A WhatsApp chat can not replace the organisation of the masses – in workplaces, neighbourhoods and schools – where the problems of struggle can be discussed and decided. It is such collective organs located where the masses work and live which can be the bases for democratically organised collective action.

 

However, at the moment, the masses have not gone through such an experience. Hence, there exist widespread bourgeois-democratic illusions with have high hopes of “honest” leaders who would lead the country out of the mud. We saw this last year in Bangladesh with Yunus. And currently a similar process takes place in Nepal where a number of so-called Gen Z protest leaders support the appointment of former Supreme Court chief justice Sushila Karki as an interim Prime Minister and they are also satisfied with the promise to hold new parliamentary election in March 2026. ^[15] Naturally, such a figure from the ruling elite will work hard to stabilise the capitalist system and to maintain the repressive state apparatus as well as private property of the rich.

 

However, one should also note that many activists, including leading figures, in Nepal are strongly opposed to royalist right-wing forces and a return of the king. The Nepalese journalist Manarishi Dhital reports that the Gen Z movement has condemned monarchist and Hindu religious extremists for trying to hijack the protests and they repudiated rumours that Gen Z leaders had met with the king. In a statement published on 11 September they blamed the right-wing Narendra Modi government of neighbouring India for using “divide and rule” tactics in Nepal. “The king is in cahoots with Hindu fundamentalists … the king is in cahoots with India. This is not what we went to the streets for. (…) We do not want the king. We do not need India, we do not need their Hindutva agenda. #backoffindia #backoffking #nepalisours,” the Gen Z statement ended. [16]

 

The task of socialists is to warn against any illusions in so-called “honest” figures from the elite who are under no control of the popular masses. Likewise, there must be no illusions in institutions of the repressive state apparatus like the army which has a long history of serving British imperialism and the ultra-reactionary monarchy which dominated the country for decades. The masses must only trust themselves and for this they need to organise in popular councils and militias.

 

 

 

The slogan of the Revolutionary Constituent Assembly

 

 

 

Socialist activists in Southern and Eastern Asia should consider advocating the slogan of a Constituent Assembly. Basically, there are two reasons for this. As already mentioned, the existence of corrupted and authoritarian governments in these countries make the issue of democracy and constitution an issue at the forefront of every popular movement. At the same time, one has to take into account that the masses have a politically raw consciousness. In such conditions, the slogan of a Constituent Assembly can serve as a bridge to the masses and push the revolutionary process forward.

 

Naturally, such a slogan should not be presented as an instrument to accomplish the socialist transformation. No, a Constituent Assembly would be the freest possible arena for the open political struggle between the representatives of the bourgeoisie, the petty-bourgeoisie and the proletariat, between the reformists and the Marxists.

 

When the Maoists in Nepal introduced a Constituent Assembly after the revolution in 2006, they did not advocate a revolutionary democratic program in that body (let alone a socialist one). And even many limited reforms which were adopted remained on paper only.

 

In contrast, socialists should fight within such an assembly for a revolutionary program which combines democratic and socialist tasks. They need to make sure that such a Constituent Assembly must be under control of the masses and not the old state apparatus.

 

The slogan of a Constituent Assembly was an important issue already during the wave of uprisings in 2019. We explained at that time:

 

“What is a Constituent Assembly? Basically it is a body that is elected for the sole purpose of elaborating and deciding on the constitution of a state. It is therefore a place where the representatives of the antagonistic classes can present their competing programs of how society should be run. Marxists don’t have the illusion that socialism can be peacefully introduced via such an assembly. In contrast to the centrist confusionists like Peter Taaffe’s CWI or Alan Woods’ IMT, we are fully aware of the fact that the transformation of capitalism into socialism is not possible via a peaceful road – neither by a Constituent Assembly, a parliament, nor any other institution. This is a question of power which ultimately will be decided by means of an armed confrontation between the ruling and oppressed classes.

 

However, revolutionaries advocate utilizing a Constituent Assembly to propagate the full program for a revolutionary transformation of society and in this way expose the treacherous reformist and openly bourgeoisie leaders. Calling for a Constituent Assembly takes into account that the popular masses still retain illusions concerning the realization of their legitimate aspirations within the terrain of bourgeois democracy. A Constituent Assembly is the most radical democratic form within bourgeois democracy as it involves the popular classes in a debate over the political and economic structure of society. To ensure such participation the deputies of a Revolutionary Constituent Assembly should be elected on the basis of local popular assemblies; they should be perpetually recallable by their constituents, and they should receive the salary of a skilled worker.” ^[17]

 

In the current political circumstances in Southern and Eastern Asia, it is quite possible that the slogan of a Revolutionary Constituent Assembly could play an important role.

 

 

 

The urgent need of a revolutionary party

 

 

 

In order to help the masses overcoming illusions, to fight reactionary forces as well as to counter efforts of the ruling elite to safeguard their discredited system, socialist activists must build an authentic revolutionary party. ^[18]

 

Such a party needs a clear program based on the strategy of permanent revolution. It should fight for revolutionary democratic demands including the right to free speech and free assembly, the end of all forms of national, caste and gender discrimination, the expropriation of the big landowners and the distribution of the land to the small and landless peasants, etc. The repressive state apparatus must be smashed and replaced by popular militias; the corrupt state bureaucracy and justice must be replaced by popularly elected and controlled officials which get only an average skilled workers income.

 

In contrast to the bankrupt program of Stalinism/Maoism, Marxists must advance the democratic revolution and combine it with the socialist transformation. Hence, they must fight for a workers and poor peasant government which nationalises the big corporations and banks under workers’ control. Such a government should rupture the links with all imperialist institutions and Great Powers – the U.S., Japan and Western Europe as well as China and Russia.

 

A revolutionary party must not limit the struggle to the national terrain. Since each and every country is dependent on the world economy and world politics, it must understand the struggle as part of an international chain of liberation struggles. It needs to build links with workers organisations and revolutionary forces in other countries – a task where migrants working abroad can play an important role. This is not only necessary but also possible since many countries – particularly in the region of Asia – face similar problems.

 

Consequently, a revolutionary party itself must not be nationally isolated but part of an international, i.e. it must be part of a Revolutionary World Party.

 

A revolutionary party needs to unite theory and practice. It must posses an elaborated program and scientific analyses, but it must also unite activists who are rooted among the working class, the youth and the rural masses. Without such roots, a party can never lead the masses in class struggles.

 

Finally, a revolutionary party does not exist in vacuum. In a society divided by classes, the oppressed must make huge efforts to organise themselves and to fight despite all the dangers and difficulties involved in this. They are also politically and ideologically influenced by the ruling class and its institutions as well as by the intermediate classes. Implementing a consistent revolutionary point of view – independent of the influences of the political forces of the bourgeoisie and the petty-bourgeoisie – is therefore a difficult process which requires huge efforts of the most advanced elements of the working class.

 

Such a process must inevitably go hand-in-hand with a decisive politically and ideologically battle of revolutionaries against the politics of reformist, Stalinist and “Maoist” misleaders within the workers movement. At the same time, they should reach out for the honest activists among these parties and try to win the over for the revolutionary program.

 

We are living in revolutionary times. The challenges ahead are huge and so are the tasks – and opportunities! – of revolutionaries in Asia!