The Ukraine and the looming Russian Invasion

 

A contribution to discussions among socialists in the Ukraine and in Russia about the current on the tasks (Questions & Answers)

 

By Michael Pröbsting, International Secretary of the Revolutionary Communist International Tendency (RCIT), 23 February 2022, www.thecommunists.net

 

 

 

Russia’s aggression against the Ukraine – its deployment of troops in the so-called Donbass “Republics” and the looming threat of an invasion in other parts of the Ukraine – poses questions about the current tasks of socialists. Naturally, this has provoked discussions among activists in the Ukraine and in Russia. The following article – in the form of questions & answers – is a contribution to this discussion. It attempts to concretize the strategic line which our tendency – the Revolutionary Communist International Tendency (RCIT) – in the past weeks in the light of the most recent developments.

 

 

 

Question: Does the RCIT recognize the right of national self-determination of the Ukraine?

 

Answer: Yes. The Ukrainian nation has been historically oppressed by Russia. [1] The only exception were the early years of the Bolshevik government in the period of Lenin and Trotsky. And in the years 1941-44, the Ukrainian people were oppressed by the German Nazis. In the period since 1991 the situation has been transformed in that sense that the Ukraine became formally independent and much of the direct discrimination was abolished. However, the Ukraine remained a state which Marxists call a “semi-colony”. It became formally independent but remained dependent on Great Powers. Socialists oppose the domination of the Ukraine by any Great Power. We fully support “the right of national self-determination of the Ukrainian people. This means the right to have an independent state and to oppose any denial of the existence of the Ukrainian nation.[2]

 

Q: Which Great Powers dominate the Ukraine since 1991?

 

A: After the restoration of capitalism, the North American and European imperialist powers became dominant in the Ukraine. When Putin replaced Yeltsin in 1999 and Russia became an imperialist state again, Moscow managed to expand its influence in the Ukraine. After the right-wing Euromaidan movement in 2014 and the following civil war, the so-called Donbass “Republics” effectively became colonies of Russian imperialism. The Ukraine itself became strongly dominated by Western imperialists who put their lackeys in power.

 

Q: What do you say about the national rights of minorities within the Ukraine?

 

A: There are several minorities in the Ukraine – including the Russian-speaking population – which face discrimination to various degrees. Socialists oppose any kind of discrimination of these minorities. We defend their right of national self-determination including the right to secede. However, we advocate not secession but equality within the Ukraine with full rights for minorities in terms of language, culture etc.

 

Q: What is the role of the Ukraine in the current conflict between NATO and Russia?

 

A: The Ukraine has become a victim of the rivalry between the imperialist Great Powers. The fundamental cause of the current crisis is the decay of capitalism which drives all imperialist power to expand their influence at the expense of their rivals. In the past decade, U.S. imperialism experienced a massive decline while China [3] but also Russia [4] developed as imperialist powers. The RCIT has analyzed this process in detail and we refer readers to our works on this issue. [5] The Ukraine has become one of the arenas where the imperialist powers – Russia, the U.S. and the EU – are competing for influence.

 

Q: Does this mean that there does not exist a “Ukrainian question”?

 

A: It certainly exists. However, neither the Zelensky government nor the leadership of the so-called Donbass “Republics” represent an authentic struggle for national rights. As we explained in the latest RCIT statement: “The Donbass “Republics” do not defend the right of national self-determination but rather the “right” to become a colony of Russian imperialism. And the Zelensky government fights for its “right” to become a member of the imperialist NATO and EU alliances and it already acts as a puppet of Washington and Brussels. It is true that NATO formally recognize the Ukrainian people as a separate nation. However, it would be a tragic mistake to trust Western powers. Such governments view the Ukrainian people only as a bargain chip with Russia. They are ready to drop their support for the Ukraine in order to strike a favorable deal with Moscow.[6] Therefore, it is impossible to wage an authentic struggle for the defense of the Ukraine under the leadership of lackeys of NATO imperialism. Zelensky or other pro-Western politicians in the Ukraine do not defend their country – they defend the interests of Western imperialism.

 

Q: Which political position should socialists in the Ukraine take in such a situation?

 

A: In our opinion, socialists need to combine the defense of the Ukrainian nation with an internationalist and anti-imperialist program. This means that they do not only defend the national rights of the Ukrainian people but that they also defend the rights of minorities which are living within the Ukrainian state. Secondly, socialists must reject any support for the political and military maneuvers of the Kiev regime. The Ukrainian nation can only be defended if this struggle is separated from the Great Power rivalry, if it becomes an independent struggle, if it becomes a struggle for the interests of the workers and popular masses of the Ukraine and not for the interests of imperialist powers!

 

Q: Does this mean that you oppose the defense of the Ukraine against the Russian invasion?

 

A: No. The RCIT opposes the defense of the Ukraine under the command of Zelensky or any other pro-Western lackey. We support a popular and armed struggle of the Ukrainian people which is independent of any Great Power. It is urgent to organize popular emergency assemblies which should discuss how to defend the country. Socialists should argue within such assemblies that people elect emergency committees which take over local administration and which form popular militias for the defense of the country. Criminals and fascists must be excluded from such militias. Socialists should also argue that our enemy is not the Russian people but the Putin regime and its army. They should also advocate the integration of minorities in such popular organs. Likewise, socialists need to call for close collaboration with anti-war activists in Russia as well as with other peoples oppressed by Russian imperialism (e.g. the Chechens, they Syrian people). The goal of such assemblies and militias should be also to overthrow the Zelensky regime and to replace it by a workers government. Such a government would be based on popular councils, and it would expropriate the imperialist corporations as well as the oligarchs in order to advance towards an independent and socialist Ukraine. Concerning the nationality policy, we formulated our goal in a recently published statement: “Revolutionaries need to raise the slogan of an independent Ukraine which can achieve such independence only as a workers republic. Such an independent and socialist Ukraine would offer the widest-possible autonomy rights to the Russian speaking and Russian population in the East with equal rights in terms of language, religion, culture etc. It would also respect the right of this minority for self-determination, i.e. that they can freely choose if they want to remain within such an Ukrainian state with various degrees of autonomy or if they want to separate from such a state.[7] It is important to build a new labor party in the Ukraine which would represent the independent interests of the working class.

 

Q: What does this mean for the concrete, immediate tasks of socialists in the Ukraine?

 

A: Naturally, such issues can only be correctly assessed and decided by revolutionary activists on the ground. Unfortunately, authentic socialists represent currently only a small minority. In our opinion, they should, as much as this is possible given the state of emergency imposed by the Zelensky regime, advocate a perspective based on an internationalist and anti-imperialist program as outlined above. They need to explain that people should not trust the Zelensky regime or the NATO powers. They should explain the need for the formation of popular militias in order to defend the country against the Russian invaders and also to fight against the coward Kiev regime. It seems important to us to assemble – as much as this is possible – authentic socialists on the basis of such a program and to organize them. It is up to the socialists in the Ukraine to judge the possibility for spreading propaganda and agitation in such a spirit under the current, effectively illegal, conditions for political work.

 

Q: Should socialists refuse to join the Ukrainian army?

 

A: We are Marxists. We do not support desertion and individual boycott of a bourgeois army. In general, socialists should join the army if they are conscripted (like all other people are forced to do). But they will not join the army with any illusions and without stating any confidence in the Kiev regime. This is like starting a job in a factory. You don’t do this because you like capitalist exploitation but because you need to earn money.

 

Q: What are the tasks of socialists in Russia?

 

A: Socialists in Russia must resolutely oppose the imperialist policy of the Putin regime. They advocate a policy of revolutionary defeatism against Russian imperialism (as well as against NATO). For socialists in Russia, the main enemy is at home, i.e. the main enemy is Russian imperialism. Socialists need to denounce Putin’s recognition of the so-called Donbass “Republics” as well as the invasion of Russian troops in the Ukraine. Of course, socialists in Russia currently work under difficult circumstances. But they should, as much as this is possible, spread an internationalist and anti-imperialist program and organize activists on such a basis. Wherever possibilities for anti-war activities exist, socialists should support such.

 

Q: What are the tasks of socialists in North America and Europe?

 

A: Socialists in the West should defend the same program which has been outlined above. However, a special focus should be the opposition against the imperialist warmongering of the Western powers and their economic warfare against Russia. They should do so not because of any sympathy for Putin but because the U.S. and the EU are among the most dangerous imperialist Great Powers. Socialists must do everything in their power in order to undermine popular support for these powers, in order to weaken and eventually smash these enemies of the people!

 

Q: Is it not a crucial task to unite socialists from the Ukraine, Russia and other countries in the world?

 

A: Yes, indeed, this is the most important task! The current escalation in the Ukraine is only one of many crises and wars which will take place in the coming years. We are living in a historic period of capitalist decay. In such a period, it is inevitable that the ruling class launches attacks against the popular masses and that the Great Powers wage aggression and wars against each other as well as against oppressed people. In such a period, it is crucial to unite socialist activists and to jointly build a Revolutionary World Party – the key instrument for organizing the international socialist revolution! This is what the RCIT is fighting for!

 

 

 



[1] See on this e.g. the pamphlet by Michael Pröbsting: Putin’s Poodles (Apologies to All Dogs). The pro-Russian Stalinist parties and their arguments in the current NATO-Russia Conflict, 9 February 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/nato-russia-conflict-stalinism-as-putin-s-poodles/

[2] RCIT: Putin’s Recognition of the Donbass “Republics” – A Major Escalation in the Inter-Imperialist Conflict between NATO and Russia, 21 February 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/putin-s-recognition-of-donbass-republic/

[3] The RCIT has published numerous documents about capitalism in China and its transformation into a Great Power. See on this e.g the following works of Michael Pröbsting: China: An Imperialist Power … Or Not Yet? A Theoretical Question with Very Practical Consequences! Continuing the Debate with Esteban Mercatante and the PTS/FT on China’s class character and consequences for the revolutionary strategy, 22 January 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/china-imperialist-power-or-not-yet/; Chinese Imperialism and the World Economy, an essay published in the second edition of The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism (edited by Immanuel Ness and Zak Cope), Palgrave Macmillan, Cham, 2020, https://link.springer.com/referenceworkentry/10.1007%2F978-3-319-91206-6_179-1; China‘s transformation into an imperialist power. A study of the economic, political and military aspects of China as a Great Power (2012), in: Revolutionary Communism No. 4, http://www.thecommunists.net/publications/revcom-number-4; China’s Emergence as an Imperialist Power (Article in the US journal 'New Politics'), in: “New Politics”, Summer 2014 (Vol:XV-1, Whole #: 57); How is it possible that some Marxists still Doubt that China has Become Capitalist? (A Critique of the PTS/FT), An analysis of the capitalist character of China’s State-Owned Enterprises and its political consequences, 18 September 2020, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/pts-ft-and-chinese-imperialism-2/; Unable to See the Wood for the Trees (PTS/FT and China). Eclectic empiricism and the failure of the PTS/FT to recognize the imperialist character of China, 13 August 2020, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/pts-ft-and-chinese-imperialism/.

[4] The RCIT has published numerous documents about capitalism in Russia and its rise to an imperialist power. See on this e.g. several pamphlets by Michael Pröbsting: The Peculiar Features of Russian Imperialism. A Study of Russia’s Monopolies, Capital Export and Super-Exploitation in the Light of Marxist Theory, 10 August 2021, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/the-peculiar-features-of-russian-imperialism/; by the same author: Lenin’s Theory of Imperialism and the Rise of Russia as a Great Power. On the Understanding and Misunderstanding of Today’s Inter-Imperialist Rivalry in the Light of Lenin’s Theory of Imperialism. Another Reply to Our Critics Who Deny Russia’s Imperialist Character, August 2014, http://www.thecommunists.net/theory/imperialism-theory-and-russia/; Russia as a Great Imperialist Power. The formation of Russian Monopoly Capital and its Empire – A Reply to our Critics, 18 March 2014, in: Revolutionary Communism No. 21, http://www.thecommunists.net/theory/imperialist-russia/; Russian Imperialism and Its Monopolies, in: New Politics Vol. XVIII No. 4, Whole Number 72, Winter 2022, https://newpol.org/issue_post/russian-imperialism-and-its-monopolies/. See various other RCIT documents on this issue at a special sub-page on the RCIT’s website: https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/china-russia-as-imperialist-powers/.

[5] The RCIT has dealt on numerous occasions with the inter-imperialist rivalry of the Great Powers. See e.g. RCIT: World Perspectives 2021-22: Entering a Pre-Revolutionary Global Situation, 22 August 2021, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/world-perspectives-2021-22/; see also our book by Michael Pröbsting: Anti-Imperialism in the Age of Great Power Rivalry. The Factors behind the Accelerating Rivalry between the U.S., China, Russia, EU and Japan. A Critique of the Left’s Analysis and an Outline of the Marxist Perspective, RCIT Books, Vienna 2019, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/anti-imperialism-in-the-age-of-great-power-rivalry/; see also the following two pamphlets by the same author: “A Really Good Quarrel”. US-China Alaska Meeting: The Inter-Imperialist Cold War Continues, 23 March 2021, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/us-china-alaska-meeting-shows-continuation-of-inter-imperialist-cold-war/; Servants of Two Masters. Stalinism and the New Cold War between Imperialist Great Powers in East and West, 10 July 2021, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/servants-of-two-masters-stalinism-and-new-cold-war/; for more works on this issue see these sub-pages: https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/china-russia-as-imperialist-powers/ and https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/collection-of-articles-on-the-global-trade-war/.

[6] RCIT: Putin’s Recognition of the Donbass “Republics” – A Major Escalation in the Inter-Imperialist Conflict between NATO and Russia

[7] RCIT: The Current NATO-Russia Conflict and the Anti-Imperialist Tasks of Revolutionaries. Down with all Great Powers and their proxies! For an independent and socialist Ukraine! 29 January 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/the-current-nato-russia-conflict-and-the-anti-imperialist-tasks-of-revolutionaries/.

 

[문답식 해설] 우크라이나와 임박해 있는 러시아의 침공

당면 임무 관련 우크라이나 · 러시아 사회주의자들의 토론에 부쳐

 

미하엘 프뢰브스팅, 혁명적 공산주의인터내셔널 동맹 (RCIT) 국제서기, 2022 2 23, www.thecommunists.net/

 

 

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러시아의 우크라이나 침공은 사회주의자들의 단계 임무에 관한 문제를 제기한다. 당연히도 이것은 우크라이나와 러시아의 활동가들 사이에 토론을 불러일으켰다. 다음은 문답식으로 토론에 참가 · 기여하고자 제출된 글이다. 글은 지난 주간 전개된 상황에 비추어 혁명적 공산주의인터내셔널 동맹 (RCIT) 전략적 방침을 구체화하려는 시도다.

 

: RCIT 우크라이나의 민족자결권을 인정하는가?

 

: 그렇다. 우크라이나 민족은 역사적으로 러시아에 억압받아 왔다.[1] 유일한 예외는 레닌 생전의 볼셰비키 정부 초기 연간이었다. 그리고 1941-44 동안 우크라이나 인민은 독일 나치에 의해 억압받았다. 1991 이후에 상황이 바뀌었는데, 우크라이나가 정식으로 독립하고 직접적인 차별이 많은 부분 폐지되었다는 의미에서 그렇다. 그러나 여전히 우크라이나는 맑스주의자들이 ()식민지라고 부르는 국가로 남았다. 형식상으로는 독립적이 되었으나 여전히 강대국들에 종속적인 상태다. 사회주의자들은 어느 강대국의 우크라이나 지배에도 반대한다. 우리는 우크라이나 인민의 민족자결권을 전적으로 지지한다. “이는 독립 국가를 가질 권리를 의미한다. 또한 우크라이나 민족의 존재에 대한 일체의 부정에 반대할 권리를 의미한다.”[2]

 

: 1991 이후 우크라이나를 지배하고 있는 강대국은 어디인가?

 

: 1991 자본주의 복고 이후, ·유럽 제국주의 열강이 우크라이나에서 지배적인 세력이 되었다. 1999 푸틴이 옐친을 대체하여 집권하고 러시아가 다시 제국주의 국가가 되었을 , 모스크바는 우크라이나에 영향력을 확대해 나갈 있었다. 2014 우익 유로마이단 운동과 이어진 내전 이후 이른바 돈바스 공화국들 사실상 러시아 제국주의의 식민지가 됐다. 우크라이나 자체도 서방 제국주의가 자신의 마름들을 권좌에 앉히면서 서방 제국주의의 강력한 지배하에 들어가게 됐다.

 

: 우크라이나 소수파들의 민족적 권리에 대해서는 어떠한 입장인가?

 

: 우크라이나에는 러시아어를 사용하는 주민을 포함하여 여러 민족 소수자들이 있는데, 차별 받는 정도가 다양하다. 사회주의자는 이들 소수자에 대한 어떠한 종류의 차별도 반대한다. 우리는 분리 독립할 권리를 포함하여 그들의 민족자결권을 방어한다. 그러나 우리가 제창하는 것은, 분리 독립이 아니라 민족 소수자들이 언어, 문화 등에서 완전한 권리를 갖는 우크라이나 내에서의 평등이다.

 

: 나토-러시아 분쟁에서 우크라이나의 역할은 무엇인가?

 

: 우크라이나는 제국주의 강대국들 패권경쟁의 희생양이 되었다. 사태의 근본 배경에는 시기 쇠퇴·사멸해 가고 있는 자본주의가 있다. 이것이 모든 제국주의 열강을 추동하여 서로 상대방을 희생시켜 자신의 영향력을 확대하도록 몰고 있다. 지난 10 제국주의가 급격한 쇠퇴를 겪는 동안 중국[3] 러시아[4] 제국주의 열강으로 발전했다. RCIT 과정을 상세하게 분석했다. 독자들에게 문제에 대한 우리의 광범한 문서들을 참조할 것을 권한다.[5] 우크라이나는 러시아, 미국, EU 제국주의 열강이 세력권 확대를 놓고 다투는 무대 하나가 됐다.

 

: 말은 따로 "우크라이나 문제" 존재하지 않는다는 뜻인가?

 

: 확실히 존재한다. 그러나 젤렌스키 정부도, 소위 돈바스 공화국 지도부도 어느 쪽도 진정한 민족적 권리를 위한 투쟁을 대표하지 않는다. 가장 최근의 RCIT 성명에서 설명했듯이, "돈바스 공화국 민족자결권이 아니라 러시아 제국주의의 식민지가 권리를 수호한다. 그리고 젤렌스키 정부는 제국주의 나토와 EU 동맹의 일원이 권리 위해 싸우고 있으며 이미 미국과 EU 꼭두각시로 복무하고 있다. 나토가 우크라이나 인민을 별개의 독자 민족으로 정식 승인하고 있는 것은 사실이다. 그러나 서방 열강들을 신뢰하는 것은 비극적인 실수가 것이다. 서방 정부들은 우크라이나 인민을 러시아와의 협상카드로 보고 있을 뿐이다. 그들은 모스크바와의 유리한 거래를 맺기 위해서는 우크라이나에 대한 지지를 철회할 준비가 되어 있다."[6] 따라서 나토 제국주의 마름들의 지도하에서 진정한 우크라이나 방어 투쟁을 수행한다는 것은 가능하지 않다. 젤렌스키나 우크라이나의 밖의 친서방 정치인들은 그들의 나라를 방어하지 않는다. 그들은 서방 제국주의의 이익을 방어한다.

 

: 우크라이나의 사회주의자들은 이런 상황에서 어떤 정치적 입장을 취해야 하는가.

 

: 우리가 사회주의자들은 우크라이나의 방어를 국제주의 · 반제국주의 강령과 결합시키는 것이 필요하다. 이는 사회주의자들이 우크라이나 인민의 민족적 권리를 방어할 뿐만 아니라, 우크라이나 국가 내에 살고 있는 민족 소수자들의 권리도 또한 방어한다는 것을 의미한다. 둘째로, 사회주의자들은 키예프 정권의 정치적·군사적 행보에 대한 어떠한 지지도 거부해야 한다. 투쟁이 강대국 패권경쟁으로부터 분리되고 독자적인 투쟁이 경우에만, 제국주의 열강의 이익이 아니라 우크라이나 노동자·민중의 이익을 위한 투쟁으로 경우에만 우크라이나 민족 방어는 가능해진다.

 

: 러시아의 침공에 맞서 우크라이나를 방어하는 것에 반대한다는 뜻인가.

 

: 아니다. RCIT 젤렌스키나 다른 친서방 마름들이 지휘하는 우크라이나의 방어에 반대한다. 우리는 어느 강대국이든 강대국과는 독자적인 우크라이나 인민의 무장 투쟁을 지지한다. 나라를 어떻게 방어할 것인가를 논의하는 비상 민중공회/민중총회를 조직하는 것이 시급하다. 사회주의자들은 이러한 공회 내에서 지방 행정을 접수하고 나라 방어를 위한 노동자 민병을 구성하는 비상위원회를 선출할 것을 주장해야 한다. 범죄자와 파시스트는 이러한 민병에서 제외해야 한다. 사회주의자들은 우리의 적은 러시아 인민이 아니라 푸틴 정권과 군대임을 주장해야 한다. 사회주의자들은 이러한 민중 기관들에 민족 소수자들의 통합을 제창해야 한다. 사회주의자들은 러시아의 반전 활동가들뿐만 아니라 러시아 제국주의에 의해 억압받는 인민들 (체첸, 시리아 인민 )과의 긴밀한 협력을 요구해야 한다. 이러한 민중공회와 민병의 목표에는 젤렌스키 정권을 타도하고 노동자 정부로 대체하는 것도 포함된다. 이러한 노동자 정부는 노동자·민중 평의회에 기반할 것이며, 독립 · 사회주의 우크라이나로 나아가기 위해 제국주의 기업들과 과두재벌 올리가르히를 몰수/수탈할 것이다. 민족 정책과 관련해서 우리는 최근 발표한 성명에서 다음과 같이 우리의 목표를 정식화했다. " 노동자공화국으로서만 우크라이나가 독립을 이룰 있다는 점에서 혁명가들은 독립 우크라이나 슬로건을 제기하는 것이 필요하다. 그러한 독립적인 사회주의 우크라이나는 동부 우크라이나의 러시아어권 주민에게 언어, 종교, 문화 등등의 차원에서 동등한 권리와 함께 가능한 가장 폭넓은 자치권을 제공할 것이다. 독립 사회주의 우크라이나는 또한 소수자의 자결권을 존중할 것이다. 그들이 다양한 수준의 자치권을 가진 그러한 우크라이나 국가 안에 남아있기를 원하든, 또는 그들이 그러한 국가로부터 분리하기를 원하든 자유롭게 선택할 있다."[7] 부르주아지와 단절하고 노동자계급의 독자 이익을 대표하는 새로운 노동자당을 우크라이나에서 세우는 것이 중요하다.

 

: 우크라이나에서 사회주의자들의 구체적인, 당면의 임무에 그것은 어떤 의미인가?

 

: 당연히, 그러한 문제들은 현장에 있는 혁명적 활동가들에 의해서 오직 올바르게 평가되고 결정될 있다. 안타깝게도, 진정한 사회주의자들은 현재 작은 소수파일 뿐이다. 우리가 진정한 사회주의자들은 젤렌스키 정권이 내린 국가비상사태 하에서 가능한 최대로 위에 제시한 바의 국제주의 · 반제국주의 강령에 기초한 관점을 제창해야 한다고 본다. 젤렌스키 정권이나 나토를 신뢰해서는 된다는 것을 사람들에게 설명해야 한다. 사회주의자들은 러시아 침략자들에 맞서 나라를 지키고 동시에 겁쟁이 키예프 정권에 맞서 싸우기 위해 노동자 민병 결성의 필요를 설명해야 한다. 그러한 강령의 기초 위에서 진정한 사회주의자들을 결집하고 조직하는 것이 우리가 중요한 같다. 현재의 사실상 비합법 정치활동 조건 하에서 이러한 정신으로 선전·선동을 확산시킬 가능성에 대해 판단하는 것은 우크라이나 사회주의자들의 몫이다.

 

: 사회주의자들은 우크라이나 군대에 입대하는 것을 거부해야 하는가?

 

: 우리는 맑스주의자다. 우리는 부르주아 군대의 탈영과 개인 보이콧을 지지하지 않는다. 일반적으로, 사회주의자들은 징집되면 군대에 입대해야 한다. <