France: Which Tactics towards the Popular Front?

By Michael Pröbsting, Revolutionary Communist International Tendency (RCIT), 8 July 2024,




The second round of the French parliamentary elections ended in a victory for the so-called left-wing parties. The Nouveau Front Populaire (New Popular Front, NFP) got 182 – resp. 193 if one includes their allies – of 577 seats. The alliance of President Macron received 174, the right-wing RN 143 and the conservative Republicans 60 seats. The turnout was again very high (66.6%), an increase of 20.4% compared to the last elections.


This was a surprising turnaround since in the first round of the election, only one week earlier, Le Pen’s RN received 33.2%, the NFP 28.1% (resp. 31% if one adds other leftist parties); Macron’s Ensemble 21.6% and the Republicans 7.2%.


This shift was mainly for two reasons. First, the left-wing parties managed to organize a huge wave of mobilizations on the streets. All over the country – from Paris to small towns – hundreds and thousands of people marched every day with red flags (and also often with Palestinian flags and keffiyehs) against the threat of a RN-led government.


The second reason was that the NFP leaders did strike electoral deals with the bourgeois-liberal Macronists. As a result, many third-placed candidates of the NFP and Ensemble withdrew so that they could jointly defeat the RN. This decision reflects, on one hand, that the leadership of the NFP is prepared to collaborate with the Macron regime.


On the other hand, it shows that a majority of the French monopoly bourgeoisie still fears a RN victory more than the integration of the NFP into a bourgeois government. This are that a RN-led government could provoke massive political and social instability within the country – the ruling class has not forgotten the long-running mass protests against the pension reform (Article 49.3) in 2023 or the Yellow Vests protests in 2018-20. Furthermore, a dominating sector of the ruling class is committed to advance the integration of the imperialist EU while RN has a more national-centred orientation and is also more open to accommodate to Russian imperialism.


The leadership of the victorious NFP calls President Macron to task the popular front with constituting a new government which would then have to find a parliamentary majority (most likely with Ensemble resp. parts of it) and govern in form of a so-called cohabitation with Macron.




Popular Front: a reformist policy of betrayal




Within the NFP, its most-left wing party - Mélenchon’s LFI – has become the strongest force with 74 parliamentary deputies. The social democratic PS has 59 deputies, the Greens 28 and the ex-Stalinist PCF 9. The LFI is a left-populist party which has become hated by the bourgeois media as well as its allies within the NFP for its pro-Palestine position (among others, it refuses to call Hamas terrorist). It has strong roots in the working class (including the migrants) and won many of its mandates in the proletarian suburbs of Paris and other cities.


However, despite their radical rhetoric, the leaderships of the LFI and the PCF follow a strict course of popular front policy. This means that they have no intention to overthrow the capitalist system but rather hope to become part of the government within this system. Since joining a government via electoral success, its policy is subordinated to this goal.


True, the LFI leadership makes sometimes radical statements and support important mobilisations on the streets, reflecting the pressure from their grassroot supporters. This has been particularly visible during the pro-Palestine demonstrations or the anti-49.3 mobilisations last year. However, all this is, in classic reformist manner, subordinated to their strategic goal – expanding its electoral strength and joining governmental positions on local, regional and national level. This is why Mélenchon has fully supported the policy to make deals with the Macronists. And his manoeuvres to form a government clearly have the same goal.


The parties to the right of the LFI – the PCF, and even more the PS and the Greens – are far worse in their reformist-electoralist orientation. The PS is a right-wing social democratic party with strong influences of liberalism and Zionism and the Greens are an outright bourgeois-liberal force.


In short, we have left-wing parties with a popular-front policy which have created a popular front with open bourgeois forces (like the Greens) and who have now extended their popular front policy to the Macronists. If they form now a joint government with the Macronists, or a minority coalition with parliamentary support of Ensemble, or support a government of so-called technocrats, they will be forced to compromise on all the important issues just to stay in power. One adaption to the right follows the next one.


The defenders of the NFP say that this is necessary in order to stop Le Pen’s RN. But this is not true. If the NFP collaborates with the Macron regime – which is despised by the popular masses – it will only discredit itself and add to the false “anti-establishment” image of RN. Furthermore, reactionary governments are defeated not by adapting to reactionary policy but via mass mobilisations on the streets and workplaces.




The struggle to break up the popular front




As we elaborated in a recently published article, authentic Marxists fundamentally oppose electoral deals with open bourgeois forces or the creation of systematic, long-term alliances like the NFP. [1] The Bolsheviks called the Mensheviks and Social-Revolutionaries to break their governments alliance with the Cadets in 1917 and likewise did Trotsky sharply oppose any support for or even participation in popular fronts in France and Spain in 1936.


Likewise, the RCIT strongly opposes the formation of the NFP or support for such a government. Unfortunately, various so-called Trotskyists – like the Mandelite NPA-A, the Lambertist POI, Alan Woods’ IMT, the ISA, or the CWI – take a completely opportunist position towards the NFP. While they criticise its electoral pact with the Macronists, they do not call for a rupture of this popular front alliance, i.e. they do not call the LFI and PCF to split with the bourgeois forces within the NFA. They rather call the NFP “to fight for its program”. Worse, the NPA-A and the POI are even officially part of this popular front. [2]


Our critique of such centrist opportunism is not that they relate to the millions of workers, youth and migrants who support the NFP. It would be foolish to ignore the fact that the majority of vanguard workers, youth and migrants support the LFI and, to a lesser degree, the PCF and that the progressive sectors of the working class support the popular front. No, it is absolutely necessary to relate to such illusions, to patiently explain and not to stand aside from such an important development.


However, such an orientation to the masses must go hand in hand with a principled tactic, i.e. a tactic which aims at the strengthening of the political independence of the working class and rupture with all forms of subordination to the bourgeoisie. This is why socialists emphasise the necessity to organise the workers and oppressed in actions committees in workplaces, neighbourhoods and educational institutions. Such committees should be nationally linked via elected delegates in order to plan the struggle against the new government. Likewise, such committees should push the trade unions to use their combat strength.


At the same time socialists should call the working-class based parties – mainly the LFI and the PCF – to break with the popular front and use their forces to advance the struggle on the streets and in the enterprises. In parliament, these parties should not look for an alliance with the Macronists or any manoeuvres or any deal with the Élysée but advocate the demands of the workers and oppressed. It was on such a basis that we did call for critical electoral support for reformist candidates.


Of course, such a tactic automatically means that socialists have a confrontation with the leaderships of LFI and PCF since both are committed to the popular front policy. However, among the rank-and-file supporters of these parties are many courageous fighters for a free and just future with whom socialists should aim to jointly fight on the streets and in the unions.


The key strategic task is to build a revolutionary party which is independent of all sectors of the bourgeoisie and the labor bureaucracy. Building such a party requires systematic efforts to break these militants away from the popular-front policy of the reformist leaders.


[1] Michael Pröbsting: France: Revolutionary Tactics in the Parliamentary Elections. Break with popular front policy! No vote for bourgeois candidates – neither RN, Macronists nor Greens! Critical support for reformist candidates based on the working class and the oppressed! 2 July 2024,

[2] See on this e.g. NPA-A: France: The far right has been pushed back by popular mobilization - now we must implement the programme of the New Popular Front, 7 July 2024,; Léon Crémieux: France: Combating the major risk of the far right, 5 July, 2024,; Daniel Gluckstein: France: Have they forgotten everything? La Tribune des travailleurs (Lambertists), N° 447, 3 July 2024, Révolution (IMT): French elections: no deals with the right! All out to apply and deepen the NFP programme! 08 July 2024,; Paul Gerrard: New Popular Front Blocks Far Right — For Now, ISA, 8 July 2024; Gauche Révolutionnaire (CWI): France: Against the Far-Right RN & Macron – Vote New Popular Front! 5 July 2024,


Francia: ¿Qué tácticas frente al Frente Popular?

Por Michael Pröbsting, Corriente Comunista Revolucionaria Internacional (CCRI), 8 de julio de 2024,




La segunda vuelta de las elecciones parlamentarias francesas terminó con una victoria de los partidos llamados de izquierda. El Nouveau Front Populaire (Nuevo Frente Popular, NFP) obtuvo 182 – o 193 si se incluyen a sus aliados – de 577 escaños. La alianza del presidente Macron obtuvo 174 escaños, la derechista RN 143 y los republicanos conservadores 60 escaños. La participación volvió a ser muy elevada (66,6%), un aumento del 20,4% respecto a las últimas elecciones.


Se trata de un cambio sorprendente, ya que, en la primera vuelta de las elecciones, sólo una semana antes, el RN de Le Pen obtuvo el 33,2%, el NFP el 28,1% (o el 31% si se añaden otros partidos de izquierda); El conjunto de Macron 21,6% y los republicanos 7,2%.


Este cambio se debió principalmente a dos razones. En primer lugar, los partidos de izquierda lograron organizar una enorme ola de movilizaciones en las calles. En todo el país –desde París hasta ciudades pequeñas– cientos y miles de personas marcharon cada día con banderas rojas (y a menudo también con banderas palestinas y keffiyehs) contra la amenaza de un gobierno liderado por la RN.


La segunda razón fue que los líderes del NFP sí llegaron a acuerdos electorales con los macronistas liberales burgueses. Como resultado, muchos candidatos del NFP y de Ensemble que quedaron en tercer lugar se retiraron para poder derrotar conjuntamente al RN. Esta decisión refleja, por un lado, que la dirección del NFP está dispuesta a colaborar con el régimen de Macron.


Por otro lado, muestra que una mayoría de la burguesía monopolista francesa todavía teme más una victoria del RN que la integración del NFP en un gobierno burgués. La cuestión es que un gobierno liderado por RN podría provocar una inestabilidad política y social masiva dentro del país: la clase dominante no ha olvidado las protestas masivas de larga data contra la reforma de las pensiones (artículo 49.3) en 2023 o las protestas de los chalecos amarillos en 2018-20. Además, un sector dominante de la clase dominante está comprometido a avanzar en la integración de la UE imperialista, mientras que RN tiene una orientación más centrada en lo nacional y también está más abierta a adaptarse al imperialismo ruso.


La dirección del victorioso NFP pide al presidente Macron que encargue al frente popular la tarea de constituir un nuevo gobierno que luego tendría que encontrar una mayoría parlamentaria (muy probablemente con Ensemble o partes de ella) y gobernar en forma de la llamada cohabitación con Macron.




Frente Popular: una política reformista de traición




Dentro del NFP, su partido más izquierdista, el LFI de Mélenchon, se ha convertido en la fuerza más fuerte con 74 diputados parlamentarios. El PS socialdemócrata tiene 59 diputados, los Verdes 28 y el ex estalinista PCF 9. El LFI es un partido populista de izquierda que ha sido odiado por los medios de comunicación burgueses y por sus aliados dentro del NFP por su posición pro Palestina (entre otras cosas, se niega a llamar terrorista a Hamás). Tiene fuertes raíces en la clase trabajadora (incluidos los inmigrantes) y obtuvo muchos de sus mandatos en los suburbios proletarios de París y otras ciudades.


Sin embargo, a pesar de su retórica radical, las direcciones del LFI y del PCF siguen un curso estricto de política de frente popular. Esto significa que no tienen intención de derrocar el sistema capitalista, sino que esperan convertirse en parte del gobierno dentro de este sistema. Al incorporarse a un gobierno a través del éxito electoral, su política está subordinada a este objetivo.


Es cierto que los dirigentes del LFI a veces hacen declaraciones radicales y apoyan importantes movilizaciones en las calles, lo que refleja la presión de sus partidarios de base. Esto ha sido particularmente visible durante las manifestaciones pro Palestina o las movilizaciones contra el 49.3 el año pasado. Sin embargo, todo esto, al estilo reformista clásico, está subordinado a su objetivo estratégico: ampliar su fuerza electoral y unir posiciones gubernamentales a nivel local, regional y nacional. Por eso Mélenchon ha apoyado plenamente la política de llegar a acuerdos con los macronistas. Y sus maniobras para formar gobierno tienen claramente el mismo objetivo.


Los partidos a la derecha del LFI –el PCF, y aún más el PS y los Verdes– son mucho peores en su orientación reformista-electoralista. El PS es un partido socialdemócrata de derecha con fuertes influencias del liberalismo y el sionismo, y los Verdes son una fuerza abiertamente liberal burguesa.


En resumen, tenemos partidos de izquierda con una política de frente popular que han creado un frente popular con fuerzas burguesas abiertas (como los Verdes) y que ahora han extendido su política de frente popular a los macronistas. Si ahora forman un gobierno conjunto con los macronistas, o una coalición minoritaria con el apoyo parlamentario de Ensemble, o apoyan a un gobierno de los llamados tecnócratas, se verán obligados a ceder en todas las cuestiones importantes sólo para permanecer en el poder. Una adaptación a la derecha sigue a la siguiente.


Los defensores del NFP dicen que esto es necesario para detener al RN de Le Pen. Pero esto no es cierto. Si el NFP colabora con el régimen de Macron –que es despreciado por las masas populares– sólo se desacreditará y aumentará la falsa imagen “antisistema” de RN. Además, los gobiernos reaccionarios son derrotados no adaptándose a políticas reaccionarias sino mediante movilizaciones masivas en las calles y lugares de trabajo.




La lucha por disolver el frente popular




Como explicamos en un artículo publicado recientemente, los marxistas auténticos se oponen fundamentalmente a acuerdos electorales con fuerzas burguesas abiertas o a la creación de alianzas sistemáticas y de largo plazo como el NFP. Los bolcheviques llamaron a los mencheviques y socialrevolucionarios a romper la alianza de su gobierno con los cadetes en 1917 y, de la misma manera, Trotsky se opuso tajantemente a cualquier apoyo o incluso participación en frentes populares en Francia y España en 1936.


Asimismo, la CCRI se opone firmemente a la formación del NFP o al apoyo a dicho gobierno. Desafortunadamente, varios de los llamados trotskistas –como el mandelista NPA-A, el lambertista POI, el IMT de Alan Woods, la ISA o el CWI– adoptan una posición completamente oportunista hacia el NFP. Si bien critican su pacto electoral con los macronistas, no piden una ruptura de esta alianza de frente popular, es decir, no llaman a LFI y al PCF a separarse de las fuerzas burguesas dentro del NFA. Más bien llaman al NFP a “luchar por su programa”. Peor aún, el NPA-A y el POI son incluso oficialmente parte de este frente popular.


Nuestra crítica a ese oportunismo centrista no es que se relacione con los millones de trabajadores, jóvenes e inmigrantes que apoyan al PFN. Sería una tontería ignorar el hecho de que la mayoría de los trabajadores, jóvenes y migrantes de vanguardia apoyan a LFI y, en menor grado, al PCF y que los sectores progresistas de la clase trabajadora apoyan al frente popular. No, es absolutamente necesario aproximarse a tales ilusiones, explicarlas con paciencia y no permanecer al margen de un acontecimiento tan importante.


Sin embargo, tal orientación hacia las masas debe ir de la mano de una táctica basada en principios, es decir, una táctica que apunte al fortalecimiento de la independencia política de la clase obrera y a la ruptura con todas las formas de subordinación a la burguesía. Por eso los socialistas enfatizan la necesidad de organizar a los trabajadores y oprimidos en comités de acción en los lugares de trabajo, los barrios y las instituciones educativas. Estos comités deberían estar vinculados a nivel nacional a través de delegados electos para planificar la lucha contra el nuevo gobierno. Asimismo, dichos comités deberían presionar a los sindicatos para que utilicen su fuerza de combate.


Al mismo tiempo, los socialistas deberían llamar a los partidos de la clase trabajadora –principalmente el LFI y el PCF– a romper con el frente popular y utilizar sus fuerzas para hacer avanzar la lucha en las calles y en las empresas. En el parlamento, estos partidos no deberían buscar una alianza con los macronistas ni ninguna maniobra ni ningún acuerdo con el Élisée, sino defender las demandas de los trabajadores y oprimidos. Fue sobre esa base que solicitamos un apoyo electoral crítico para los candidatos reformistas.


Por supuesto, tal táctica significa automáticamente que los socialistas tendrán una confrontación con las direcciones de LFI y el PCF, ya que ambos están comprometidos con la política del frente popular. Sin embargo, entre los partidarios de base de estos partidos hay muchos luchadores valientes por un futuro libre y justo con quienes los socialistas deberían aspirar a luchar juntos en las calles y en los sindicatos.


La tarea estratégica clave es construir un partido revolucionario que sea independiente de todos los sectores de la burguesía y la burocracia laboral. Construir un partido así requiere esfuerzos sistemáticos para separar a estos militantes de la política de frente popular de los líderes reformistas.






1) Michael Pröbsting: Francia: tácticas revolucionarias en las elecciones parlamentarias. ¡Romper con la política del frente popular! ¡No votar por los candidatos burgueses – ni RN, ni los macronistas ni los Verdes! ¡Apoyo crítico a los candidatos reformistas con bases en la clase trabajadora y los oprimidos!,


2) Ver sobre esto en, por ej. France: The far right has been pushed back by popular mobilization - now we must implement the programme of the New Popular Front, 7 July 2024,; Léon Crémieux: France: Combating the major risk of the far right, 5 July, 2024,; Daniel Gluckstein: France: Have they forgotten everything? La Tribune des travailleurs (Lambertists), N° 447, 3 July 2024, Révolution (IMT): Francia: ¡Ningún trato con la derecha! ¡Movilización general para profundizar y aplicar el programa del Nuevo Frente Popular!, 8 de julio de 2024,; Paul Gerrard: New Popular Front Blocks Far Right — For Now, ISA, 8 July 2024; Gauche Révolutionnaire (CWI): France: Against the Far-Right RN & Macron – Vote New Popular Front! 5 July 2024,




프랑스 총선결과: 인민전선을 겨냥해 혁명적공산주의자들은 어느 전술을 배치하나?

미하엘 프뢰브스팅, 혁명적 공산주의인터내셔널 동맹 (RCIT), 2024 7 8,




프랑스 총선 2 결선투표가 소위 좌파정당들의 승리로 끝났다. 신인민전선(NFP) 577 182석을 ( 우군 정파들까지 포함하면 193석을) 얻었다. 대통령 마크롱의 집권당 중심 연합세력 앙상블 174, 우파 국민연합(RN) 143, 보수 공화당이 60석을 각각 차지했다. 투표율은 이번에도 매우 높은 수치 (66.6%) 기록했는데, 과거 선거 평균치에 비해 20.4% 증가한 수치다.


불과 1주일 전인 1 선거에서 르펜의 국민연합이 33.2%, 신인민전선이 28.1% (우군 정파들을 추가할 경우 31%), 마크롱의 앙상블이 21.6%, 공화당이 7.2% 얻은 것을 감안할 이번 결선 투표는 놀라운 반전이다.


여기에는 크게 가지 이유가 작용했다. 첫째, 좌파 정당들은 거리에서 거대한 군중 동원을 조직하는 성공했다. 파리에서부터 중소 도시, 읍면까지 전국적으로 수십만 명의 사람들이 매일 붉은 깃발을 들고 ( 팔레스타인 국기를 들고 머리에 아랍 두건도 쓰고) 국민연합 집권을 막자고 외치며 행진했다.


번째 이유는 신인민전선 지도부들이 부르주아-자유주의 마크롱주의자들 (앙상블) 선거 거래를 성사시킨 있다. 결과로, 신인민전선과 앙상블 소속의 3 후보들 다수가 후보 사퇴를 해서 국민연합 후보를 낙선시킬 있었던 것이다. 이러한 결정은 한편으로, 신인민전선 지도부가 마크롱 정권에 협조할 준비가 되어 있음을 반영하는 행보다.


다른 한편으로, 이는 여전히 프랑스 독점부르주아지 다수파는 부르주아 정부에 신인민전선이 편입해 들어오는 것보다 국민연합의 승리를 두려워한다는 것을 보여준다. 국민연합 집권시 대대적인 정치적·사회적 불안정을 야기할 있다는 것이다. 지배계급은 2023 연금개혁에 반대하는 장기지속 대규모 시위나, 2018-20 노란조끼 시위를 잊지 않았다. 더욱이, 프랑스 지배계급 주류가 제국주의 EU 통합·강화에 승부수를 띄우고 있는 반해 국민연합은 EU 탈퇴까지 포함하여 일국적-민족적 중심 지향의 노선을 취하고 있는데다 러시아 제국주의를 수용하는 데서도 훨씬 열려 있다.


선거 승리 직후 신인민전선 지도부는 마크롱에게 의회에서 과반을 이루고 코아비타시옹”(동거정부) 형태로 정국을 이끌기 위해서는 정부 구성에서 인민전선 몫을 할당하라고 촉구했다.




인민전선: 개량주의 계급배신 정책




신인민전선 가장 왼쪽에 위치한 당인 멜랑숑의 LFI (‘굴하지 않는 프랑스’) 74명의 소속 국회의원을 가진 가장 강력한 세력이 되었다. 사민주의 PS(사회당) 59, 녹색당 28, ()스탈린주의 PCF(프랑스공산당) 9명씩이다. LFI 좌익포퓰리즘 당으로, 팔레스타인 입장 (대표적으로, 하마스를 테러 단체라고 부르는 것을 거부한다) 때문에 부르주아 언론뿐만 아니라 신인민전선 동맹 정파들에 의해서도 비방을 받고 있다. (이주자를 포함한) 노동자계급에 강력한 뿌리를 두고 있고, 파리 대도시 교외의 프롤레타리아 지구에서 많은 지지를 획득했다.


그러나 LFI PCF 지도부들은 급진적 수사에도 불구하고, 마크롱 자본가정권에 협조하여 함께 정부를 구성한다는 인민전선 정책을 좇고 있다. 자본주의 체제전복 의사가 없다는 뜻이고, 오히려 체제 내에서 지배권력의 일부가 되기를 희망한다는 의미다. 선거 성공으로 정부에 입각한 뒤에는, 목표에 모든 정책이 종속된다.


LFI 지도부가 그들의 풀뿌리 지지자들로부터의 압력을 반영하여 급진적 성명들을 때때로 내고 거리에서 주요 대중시위를 지지하는 것은 사실이다. 작년 팔레스타인 시위나 연금개혁 반대 시위에서 특히 그랬다. 그러나 모든 행보가, 고전적인 개량주의 방식으로 그들의 전략적 목표에, 선거역량을 확대하고 지선/총선/대선에서 의석과 지자체 자리들을 늘려나가고 정부에 입각하는 목표에 맞춰져 있고 거기에 종속되어 있다. 멜랑숑이 마크롱주의자들과 거래하는 정책을 전적으로 지지하는 이유가 바로 여기에 있다. 그리고 정부 구성을 위해 그가 빠르게 기동하는 것도 명백히 같은 목표를 가지고 있다.


LFI 오른쪽에 있는 당들, PCF 나아가 PS(사회당) · 녹색당은 개량주의-선거주의 지향에서 훨씬 해악적이고 극악하다. PS 자유주의·시온주의의 영향을 강하게 띠고 있는 우파 사민주의 정당이고 녹색당은 숨김없는 부르주아-자유주의 세력이다.


간단히 말해서, (녹색당과 같은) 공공연한 부르주아 세력과 함께 하는 인민전선을 수립하고 이제 계급배반 인민전선 정책을 마크롱주의자들한테까지 손을 뻗어 확대하고자 하는 좌파 정당들을 우리가 지금 보고 있는 것이다. 만약 이들 신인민전선 당들이 이제 마크롱주의자들과 공동정부를 구성, 또는 의회에서 앙상블의 원내 지지를 받는 소수 연립정부를 구성하거나, 혹은 소위 기술관료 정부를 지지한다면, 이들은 권력에 계속 머무르기 위해 모든 중요한 문제들에서 타협하지 않을 없도록 몰릴 것이다. 오른쪽에 영합하면 바로 다음 영합이 따른다.


신인민전선 옹호자들은 르펜의 국민연합을 막기 위해 불가피하다고 말한다. 그러나 이는 사실이 아니다. 신인민전선이 (인민대중이 증오하는) 마크롱 정권에 협조할 경우, 스스로 신뢰를 실추시키고 국민연합의 위조된 " 제도권" 이미지만 강화시켜줄 것이다. 더구나, 반동 정부를 패퇴시키는 것은 반동 정책에 영합하는 것에 의해서가 아니라 거리와 직장·공장에서 대중 조직화와 대중투쟁을 통해서라는 것을 잊어서는 된다.




인민전선을 해체하는 투쟁




우리가 2 결선투표 전인 7 2일에 발표한 기사[1]에서 자세히 설명했듯이, 맑스주의자들은 공공연한 부르주아 세력과의 선거 거래나, 신인민전선과 같은 체계적 장기적 동맹 수립에 근본적으로 반대한다. 볼셰비키는 1917, 멘셰비키와 에스에르 (나로드니키 사회주의혁명가당”)에게 카데츠 (부르주아 자유주의 입헌민주당”)와의 (연립정부) 동맹을 것을 요구했다. 트로츠키도 1936년에 프랑스와 스페인에서의 인민전선을 지지하거나 거기에 참가하거나 하는 것에 일절 반대했다.


마찬가지로, RCIT 신인민전선 결성이나 또는 그러한 인민전선 정부 지지에 강력히 반대한다. 유감스럽게도, 트로츠키주의를 자임하는 각종 정당/정파들 NPA(반자본주의신당)-A, POI, IMT, ISA, CWI, IST 신인민전선에 대해 완전한 기회주의 입장을 취하고 있다. 그들은 마크롱주의자들과의 선거협약은 비판하지만, 인민전선 동맹의 해체는 요구하지 않는다. , 그들은 LFI PCF에게 신인민전선 부르주아 세력과 분립할 것을 요구하지 않는다. 오히려 "신인민전선의 강령을 위해 싸울" 것을 요구한다. 설상가상으로, NPA-A POI