Shall Socialists Call for “Nuclear Disarmament”?

A comradely critique of a pacifist slogan raised by LIT-CI

By Michael Pröbsting, International Secretary of the Revolutionary Communist International Tendency (RCIT), 2 October 2022, www.thecommunists.net

 

Militarism and armament race have been a constant feature of the imperialist epoch since its dawning in the early 20th century. Naturally, the socialist workers movement always fought against war-mongering of the ruling class and its roots – the capitalist system of exploitation and Great Power rivalry. In parallel, a (petty-)bourgeois movement of pacifism did emerge at that time which opposed war in general and called for “disarmament”.

While the orthodox Marxists in the II. International were strongly opposed to pacifism, revisionist forces increasingly adopted this ideology. Soon after the beginning of World War I, centrist theoreticians like Kautsky also started – as part of his process to dilute the II. International’s version of Marxism – to raise pacifist slogans. Later, from the 1930s onwards, Stalinism joined them and integrated pacifist ideas into their political arsenal.

In the last years, which have been marked by dramatic acceleration of Great Power rivalry, the issues of militarism and armament race have again gained centre stage of world politics. This is even more the case since all Great Power possess nuclear weapons and have the possibility to annihilate humanity. [1]

This process has aggravated even further since the 24 February when Putin started his invasion of the Ukraine. In particular, since Russia suffered humiliating defeats in Kharkiv and announced the annexation of the occupied territories in the Ukraine, leading representatives of Russian imperialism have begun to issue public statements threatening the use of nuclear missiles. [2] Putin warned in a speech on 21 September that Moscow would use “all available means” to protect Russia’s “territorial integrity”. And Dmitry Medvedev, a former Russian president, did already announce that “any Russian weapons, including strategic nuclear weapons and weapons based on new principles, could be used.[3] Likewise, various figures linked with military forces of NATO are also speculating publicly about the use of nuclear weapons.

It is therefore not surprising, given the massive crisis of revolutionary leadership, that the ideology of pacifism is also spreading once more. Among the most popular pacifist slogans is the call for “nuclear disarmament”. Unfortunately, there are also socialist forces which are raising such slogan. Among these is LIT-CI – an international Trotskyist organization in the tradition of Nahuel Moreno which is based in Latin America. [4]

The RCIT has repeatedly collaborated with the comrades of LIT-CI since we share the defence of the Ukraine against Putin’s barbarous invasion. [5] In this spirit, we did sign a joint declaration with this organization (as well as with UIT-CI). [6] In addition, we have practically collaborated with these comrades (as well as others) in bringing humanitarian aid to the Ukraine and holding an international solidarity conference in Lviv on May Day. [7]

 

The fundamental problems with the slogan for disarmament

 

Despite such important agreements and collaboration, it is our duty as Marxists to explain the political differences which we have with LIT-CI. [8] Of course, we are aware that these comrades are not pacifists. However, by raising the slogan for “nuclear disarmament”, they mistakenly adapt to such a petty-bourgeois ideology.

Why do we think that pacifism in general, and the slogan for “nuclear disarmament” in particular, are wrong? Let us briefly summarise our critique which we have elaborated in more detail in several works. [9] In our view, the policy of pacifism is reactionary and utopian. It rejects violence and wars in principle. Furthermore, it creates the illusion that arms, including nuclear weapons, could be abolished without annihilating global capitalism and without creating a world federation of socialist republics.

In contrast, Marxists do not oppose violence and wars in principle. There are just wars and unjust wars, there is violence which is progressive and violence which is reactionary. Violence of a man against a woman in order to subjugate her is reactionary. Violence of a woman against a man to put an end of her oppression is progressive. Police violence beating black people is reactionary. Violent defence against police is progressive. Imperialist wars are reactionary but liberation wars of the working class or of oppressed peoples are progressive.

Marxists therefore vehemently oppose the general rejection of violence and wars by pacifism which place actions of the oppressor and of the oppressed on the same level.

Likewise, we oppose the illusionary idea that it would be possible to create a peaceful capitalist system. As long as capitalism continues to exist, there will be militarism, armament race and wars. And as long as modern capitalism, i.e. imperialism, continues to exist, there will be nuclear weapons. The slogan for “nuclear disarmament” objectively means to appeal to the ruling class to become more peaceful and to agree to treaties in which they would give up their nuclear weapons. As the history of imperialism has demonstrated, this is completely utopian and creates only dangerous illusions in the monopoly bourgeoisie.

Furthermore, while the RCIT advocates intransigent struggle against all imperialist powers (and their gigantic armoury), we do not oppose the right of semi-colonial countries to possess (or to seek possession of) such nuclear weapons. Take the example of North Korea: while we strongly oppose the Stalinist-capitalist dictatorship of Kim Jong‑un, we defend its right to have nuclear weapons as these missiles constitute a kind of deterrence against U.S. imperialism. [10] Neither do we oppose the right of Iran to develop nuclear arms since they have faced repeated aggression by U.S. as well as Israeli imperialism. [11]

 

The Marxist classics about pacifism and the slogan for disarmament

 

Our opposition against pacifism as well as against slogans for disarmament is based on the method elaborated by the Marxist classics. The Bolsheviks stated in their official documents during World War I:

Pacifism, the preaching of peace in the abstract, is one of the means of duping the working class. Under capitalism, particularly in its imperialist stage, wars are inevitable. On the other hand, however, Social-Democrats cannot overlook the positive significance of revolutionary wars, i.e., not imperialist wars.[12]

But the disarmament “demand”, or more correctly, the dream of disarmament, is, objectively, nothing but an expression of despair at a time when, as everyone can see, the bourgeoisie itself is paving the way for the only legitimate and revolutionary war—civil war against the imperialist bourgeoisie.[13]

They made also clear that calling for peace can nothing but undermine the necessary and progressive armed struggle against the ruling class. “Nicht Friedensidee, sondern Bürgerkriegsidee”—not the idea of peace, but the idea of civil war—this is what we are tempted to shout at these great utopians who promise such a meager utopia. Not the idea of peace, but the idea of civil war, citizen Adler! This will be the central point of our program. The problem is not that we failed to sufficiently preach the idea of peace before the war; it is that we did not preach the idea of class struggle, of civil war, enough or seriously enough. Because in wartime, the recognition of class struggle without a recognition of civil war is empty verbiage; it is hypocrisy; it is deceiving the workers.[14]

Yes, we are by no means principled pacifists; we are absolutely not opposed to all wars. We are against their wars, we are against wars of the oppressors, against imperialist wars, against wars whose goal is to reduce countless millions of workers to slavery. However “Social Democrats cannot deny the positive significance of revolutionary wars, that is, non-imperialist wars and, for example, those that were waged between 1789 and 1871 to overthrow foreign oppression and create capitalist national states out of fragmented feudal lands or wars that may be waged to safeguard conquests won by the proletariat in its struggle against the bourgeoisie.[15]

A few years later, the Communist International summarized the dangers of pacifism in the following way: “Imperialism is the capitalist reality, bourgeois pacifism the capitalist illusion. Pacifism is as incapable as bourgeois social reform of overcoming the contradictions, the evils, and the crimes of capitalism. But it will introduce dissension and uncertainty into the ranks of the bourgeoisie, the middle and petty bourgeoisie, and hence weaken the class enemy of the proletariat. Communists must take advantage of any such weakening by using the opportunity of every bourgeois pacifist initiative to lead the working class into struggle, in the course of which they will learn that militarism and imperialism cannot be abolished by the gradual triumph of reason and love of peace. . . . This conviction will counteract any crippling and debilitating effects of pacifism on the revolutionary militant energy of the proletariat, a danger associated with bourgeois pacifist propaganda. . . . The mists of pacifist sentimental hopes must not obscure the recognition that the bourgeoisie rule and exploit thanks to their command of the means of production of life and the means of production of death. The proletariat must take possession of both to liberate themselves from exploitation and bondage. Since they are kept from their freedom by force of arms, they must conquer it and defend it by force of arms.” [16]

Later, Trotsky defended such a Marxist method against the pacifist propaganda of social democracy, Stalinism and centrism. “The pretense of "disarmament" has and can have nothing in common with the prevention of war. The program of "disarmament" only signifies an attempt–up to now only on paper–to reduce in peacetime the expense of this or that kind of armaments. It is above all a question of military technique and the imperialist coffers. The arsenals, the munitions factories, the laboratories, and finally, what is most important, capitalist industry as a whole preserve all their force in all the "disarmament programs." But states do not fight because they are armed. On the contrary, they forge arms when they have to fight. In case of war, all the peace limitations will fall aside like so much chaff…. It is pure charlatanism to attempt to distinguish between defensive and offensive machine guns, tanks, aeroplanes. American policy is dictated in this also by the particular interests of American militarism, the most terrible of all. War is not a game which is conducted according to conventional rules. War demands and creates all the weapons which can most successfully annihilate the enemy. Petty-bourgeois pacifism, which sees in a 10 percent, or 33 percent, or 50 percent disarmament proposal the "first step" towards prevention of war, is more dangerous than all the explosives and asphyxiating gases. Melinite and yperite can do their work only because the masses of people are poisoned in peacetime by the fumes of pacifism.[17]

In conclusions, the RCIT strongly rejects the principles and the slogans of pacifism. These are utopian and reactionary as they can not but create confusion among the workers vanguard. Therefore, we consider LIT-CI’s slogan for “nuclear disarmament” in contradiction to the Marxist program. We urge the comrades to correct this mistake and, by such, to strengthen their programmatic arsenal.



[1] The RCIT has dealt on numerous occasions with the inter-imperialist rivalry of the Great Powers. See e.g. RCIT: World Perspectives 2021-22: Entering a Pre-Revolutionary Global Situation, 22 August 2021, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/world-perspectives-2021-22/; see also our book by Michael Pröbsting: Anti-Imperialism in the Age of Great Power Rivalry. The Factors behind the Accelerating Rivalry between the U.S., China, Russia, EU and Japan. A Critique of the Left’s Analysis and an Outline of the Marxist Perspective, RCIT Books, Vienna 2019, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/anti-imperialism-in-the-age-of-great-power-rivalry/; see also the following works by the same author: “A Really Good Quarrel”. US-China Alaska Meeting: The Inter-Imperialist Cold War Continues, 23 March 2021, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/us-china-alaska-meeting-shows-continuation-of-inter-imperialist-cold-war/; Servants of Two Masters. Stalinism and the New Cold War between Imperialist Great Powers in East and West, 10 July 2021, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/servants-of-two-masters-stalinism-and-new-cold-war/; for more works on this issue see these sub-pages: https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/china-russia-as-imperialist-powers/ and https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/collection-of-articles-on-the-global-trade-war/.

[2] On the RCIT’s analysis of these latest developments see e.g. Putin Announces Colonial Annexation of Ukrainian Territories, 30 September 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/putin-announces-colonial-annexation-of-ukrainian-territories/; Revolutionary Tactics in the Struggle against Putin’s Mobilisation. On some issues of the program of defeatism under the current conditions of Russia’s war against the Ukraine, 28 September 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/revolutionary-tactics-in-the-struggle-against-putin-s-mobilisation/; Russian Empire Escalates its Colonial War against the Ukraine. Down with the shame-“referendums” in the Russian-occupied territories! No to “mobilisation”! Defend the Ukraine - Defeat Russian imperialism!, 21 September 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/russian-empire-escalates-its-colonial-war-against-the-ukraine/; The Ukraine War after the Liberation of the Kharkiv Region, 12 September 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/the-ukraine-war-after-the-liberation-of-the-kharkiv-region/

[3] Al Jazeera: Russia can defend new regions with nuclear weapons: Medvedev, 22 September 2022, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/9/22/russia-can-defend-new-regions-with-nuclear-weapons-medvedev-says

[4] See e.g. LIT-CI: Chamado internacional da LIT-QI e da UIT-QI, 13.3.2022, https://litci.org/pt/2022/03/13/66363-2/; Convoy to take delegation of workers to Ukraine, 26 April 2022, https://litci.org/en/convoy-to-take-delegation-of-workers-to-ukraine/; Carlos Sapir: For Russians, the war suddenly reaches home, 25 September 2022, https://workersvoiceus.org/2022/09/25/for-russians-the-war-suddenly-reaches-home/

[5] We refer readers to a special page on our website where more than 120 RCIT documents on the Ukraine War and the current NATO-Russia conflict are compiled: https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/compilation-of-documents-on-nato-russia-conflict/. The most important documents are: RCIT Manifesto: Ukraine War: A Turning Point of World Historic Significance. Socialists must combine the revolutionary defense of the Ukraine against Putin’s invasion with the internationalist struggle against Russian as well as NATO and EU imperialism, 1 March 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/manifesto-ukraine-war-a-turning-point-of-world-historic-significance/

[7] See on this RCIT: Convoy and Conference on MayDay 2022 in Ukraine, 4 May 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/rcit/international-workers-aid/#anker_1; for an overview of our solidarity activities see https://www.thecommunists.net/rcit/international-workers-aid/. See also: Ukraine War: Interview with CSP-Conlutas (Brazil) on International Workers Solidarity, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/compilation-of-documents-on-nato-russia-conflict/#anker_32

[8] For our appraisal as well as critique of LIT-CI‘s political line in the Ukraine War see e.g. Michael Pröbsting: Ukraine War: Revolutionary Defensism and Non-Revolutionary Defensism. A comradely critique of LIT-CI which falsely combines its defence of the Ukraine with support for Western imperialist sanctions against Russia, 15 July 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/ukraine-war-revolutionary-defensism-and-non-revolutionary-defensism/; by the same author: Ukraine War: Supporting Western Sanctions Is Impermissible for Socialists! Support for the Ukrainian resistance must be combined with consistent anti-imperialism (a comradely critique of LIT-CI), 1 June 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/ukraine-war-supporting-western-sanctions-is-impermissible-for-socialists/; LIT-CI “Would Undoubtedly Defend Russia”. Recent articles of LIT-CI reveal a dangerous step towards social-imperialism, 29 March 2022, www.thecommunists.net, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/lit-ci-would-undoubtedly-defend-russia/; s Russia “Dependent on Western Imperialism”? Critical remarks on the LIT-CI statement on the current NATO-Russia conflict, 14 February 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/critical-remarks-on-lit-ci-statement-on-the-current-nato-russia-conflict/

[9] See e.g. these two books by Michael Pröbsting: Anti-Imperialism in the Age of Great Power Rivalry. The Factors behind the Accelerating Rivalry between the U.S., China, Russia, EU and Japan. A Critique of the Left’s Analysis and an Outline of the Marxist Perspective, RCIT Books, Vienna 2019, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/anti-imperialism-in-the-age-of-great-power-rivalry/; The Great Robbery of the South. Continuity and Changes in the Super-Exploitation of the Semi-Colonial World by Monopoly Capital Consequences for the Marxist Theory of Imperialism, 2013, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/great-robbery-of-the-south/.

[10] On the issue of capitalist restoration in North Korea we refer readers to several essays which we have published recently: Michael Pröbsting: Has Capitalist Restoration in North Korea Crossed the Rubicon or Not? Reply to a Polemic of Władza Rad (Poland), 15 July 2018, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/has-capitalist-restoration-in-north-korea-crossed-the-rubicon-or-not/; Michael Pröbsting: In What Sense Can One Speak of Capitalist Restoration in North Korea? Reply to Several Objections Raised by the Polish Comrades of “Władza Rad”, 21 June 2018, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/north-korea-and-the-marxist-theory-of-capitalist-restoration/; Michael Pröbsting: Again on Capitalist Restoration in North Korea, 12 June 2018, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/asia/again-on-capitalist-restoration-in-north-korea/; Michael Pröbsting: World Perspectives 2018: A World Pregnant with Wars and Popular Uprisings, pp. 95-105

[11] See e.g. Defend Iran against the U.S., EU and Israel warmongers! 9.11.2011, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/asia/iran-no-war/

[12] V. I. Lenin: The Conference of the R.S.D.L.P. Groups Abroad (1915); in LCW 21, p. 162

[13] V. I. Lenin: The Military Programme of Proletarian Revolution (1916), in: LCW Vol. 23, p. 81

[14] Gregory Zinoviev: Pazifismus oder Marxismus (Böse Folgen einer Losung.), in: G. Sinowjew / V. I. Lenin: Gegen den Strom, Verlag der Kommunistischen Internationale, Hamburg 1921, p. 116 (In English: Pacifism or Marxism (The Misadventures of a Slogan), in: Spartacist, No. 64, Summer 2014, http://www.icl-fi.org/english/esp/64/zinoviev.html

[15] Ibid

[16] Communist International: Theses on the Fight against the War Danger (1922), in: Jane Degras: The Communist International 1919-1943. Documents Volume I 1919-1922, pp. 331-332

[17] Leon Trotsky: Declaration to the Antiwar Congress at Amsterdam (1932), in: Writings 1932, S. 151-152

¿Deberían los socialistas pedir el “desarme nuclear”?

Una crítica camaraderil a una consigna pacifista enarbolada por la LIT-CI

Por Michael Pröbsting, Secretario Internacional de la Corriente Comunista Revolucionaria Internacional (CCRI), 2 de octubre de 2022, www.thecommunists.net

 

El militarismo y la carrera armamentista han sido una característica constante de la época imperialista desde sus albores a principios del siglo XX. Naturalmente, el movimiento obrero socialista siempre luchó contra la guerra de la clase dominante y sus raíces: el sistema capitalista de explotación y la rivalidad entre las grandes potencias. Paralelamente, surgió en ese momento un movimiento (pequeño)burgués de pacifismo que se oponía a la guerra en general y pedía el “desarme”.

Mientras que los marxistas ortodoxos en la II Internacional se opusieron fuertemente al pacifismo, las fuerzas revisionistas adoptaron cada vez más esta ideología. Poco después del comienzo de la Primera Guerra Mundial, también comenzaron teóricos centristas como Kautsky, como parte de su proceso para diluir la versión del marxismo de la II Internacional para levantar consignas pacifistas. Posteriormente, a partir de la década de 1930, el estalinismo se unió a ellos e integró las ideas pacifistas en su arsenal político.

En los últimos años, que han estado marcados por una dramática aceleración de la rivalidad entre las grandes potencias, los temas del militarismo y la carrera armamentista han vuelto a ocupar el centro de la escena política mundial. Esto es aún más el caso ya que toda Gran Potencia posee armas nucleares y tiene la posibilidad de aniquilar a la humanidad. [1]

Este proceso se ha agravado aún más desde el 24 de febrero cuando Putin inició su invasión de Ucrania. En particular, desde que Rusia sufrió humillantes derrotas en Kharkiv y anunció la anexión de los territorios ocupados en Ucrania, los principales representantes del imperialismo ruso han comenzado a emitir declaraciones públicas amenazando con el uso de misiles nucleares. [2] Putin advirtió en un discurso el 21 de septiembre que Moscú usaría “todos los medios disponibles” para proteger la “integridad territorial” de Rusia. Y Dmitry Medvedev, un ex presidente ruso, ya anunció que “podría usarse cualquier arma rusa, incluidas las armas nucleares estratégicas y las armas basadas en nuevos principios”. [3] Asimismo, diversas figuras vinculadas a las fuerzas militares de la OTAN también están especulando públicamente sobre el uso de armas nucleares.

Por lo tanto, no sorprende, dada la crisis masiva de liderazgo revolucionario, que la ideología del pacifismo también se esté extendiendo una vez más. Entre las consignas pacifistas más populares se encuentra el llamado al “desarme nuclear”. Desafortunadamente, también hay fuerzas socialistas que están levantando tal consigna. Entre estos se encuentra la LIT-CI, una organización trotskista internacional en la tradición de Nahuel Moreno que tiene su sede en América Latina. [4]

La CCRI ha colaborado en reiteradas ocasiones con los compañeros de la LIT-CI desde que compartimos la defensa de Ucrania frente a la bárbara invasión de Putin. [5] En este espíritu, firmamos una declaración conjunta con esta organización (así como con la UIT-CI). [6] Además, hemos colaborado de manera práctica con estos compañeros (así como con otros) para llevar ayuda humanitaria a Ucrania y celebrar una conferencia de solidaridad internacional en Lviv el Primero de Mayo. [7]

 

Los problemas fundamentales de la consigna por el desarme

 

A pesar de acuerdos y colaboraciones tan importantes, es nuestro deber como marxistas explicar las diferencias políticas que tenemos con la LIT-CI. [8] Por supuesto, somos conscientes de que estos compañeros no son pacifistas. Sin embargo, al enarbolar la consigna del “desarme nuclear”, se adaptan erróneamente a esa ideología pequeñoburguesa.

¿Por qué pensamos que el pacifismo en general y la consigna del “desarme nuclear” en particular están equivocadas? Resumamos brevemente nuestra crítica, que hemos elaborado con más detalle en varios trabajos. [9] En nuestra opinión, la política del pacifismo es reaccionaria y utópica. Rechaza la violencia y las guerras por principio. Además, crea la ilusión de que las armas, incluidas las armas nucleares, podrían abolirse sin aniquilar el capitalismo global y sin crear una federación mundial de repúblicas socialistas.

En contraste, los marxistas no se oponen a la violencia y las guerras en principio. Hay guerras justas y guerras injustas, hay violencia que es progresiva y violencia que es reaccionaria. La violencia de un hombre contra una mujer para someterla es reaccionaria. La violencia de una mujer contra un hombre para poner fin a su opresión es progresista. La violencia policial golpeando a los negros es reaccionaria. La defensa violenta contra la policía es progresista. Las guerras imperialistas son reaccionarias pero las guerras de liberación de la clase obrera o de los pueblos oprimidos son progresistas.

Los marxistas, por lo tanto, se oponen con vehemencia al rechazo general de la violencia y las guerras por parte del pacifismo que coloca las acciones del opresor y del oprimido en el mismo nivel.

Asimismo, nos oponemos a la idea ilusoria de que sería posible crear un sistema capitalista pacífico. Mientras exista el capitalismo, habrá militarismo, carrera armamentista y guerras. Y mientras exista el capitalismo moderno, es decir, el imperialismo, habrá armas nucleares. El eslogan por el “desarme nuclear” significa objetivamente apelar a la clase dominante para que se vuelva más pacífica y acepte tratados en los que renunciaría a sus armas nucleares. Como ha demostrado la historia del imperialismo, esto es completamente utópico y crea sólo peligrosas ilusiones acerca de la burguesía monopolista.

Además, mientras que la CCRI defiende la lucha intransigente contra todas las potencias imperialistas (y su gigantesco arsenal), no nos oponemos al derecho de los países semicoloniales a poseer (o buscar poseer) tales armas nucleares. Tomemos el ejemplo de Corea del Norte: mientras nos oponemos firmemente a la dictadura estalinista-capitalista de Kim Jong-un, defendemos su derecho a tener armas nucleares ya que estos misiles constituyen una especie de disuasión contra el imperialismo estadounidense. [10] Tampoco nos oponemos al derecho de Irán a desarrollar armas nucleares ya que han enfrentado repetidas agresiones por parte del imperialismo estadounidense e israelí. [11]

 

Los clásicos marxistas sobre el pacifismo y la consigna del desarme

 

Nuestra oposición contra el pacifismo, así como contra las consignas por el desarme se basa en el método elaborado por los clásicos marxistas. Los bolcheviques declararon en sus documentos oficiales durante la Primera Guerra Mundial:

El pacifismo y la prédica abstracta de la paz son una de las formas de embaucar a la clase obrera. Bajo el capitalismo, y sobre todo en su fase imperialista, las guerras son inevitables. Mas, por otra parte, los socialdemócratas no pueden negar el significado positivo de las guerras revolucionarias, es decir, de las guerras no imperialistas”. [12]

Y en una época en que, a la vista de todo el mundo, se está preparando por la misma burguesía la única guerra legítima y revolucionaria, a saber: la guerra civil contra la burguesía imperialista, la "exigencia” del desarme, o, mejor dicho, la ilusión del desarme es única y exclusivamente, por su significado objetivo, una prueba de desesperación”. [13]

También dejaron en claro que el llamado a la paz no puede sino socavar la necesaria y progresiva lucha armada contra la clase dominante. ““Nicht Friedensidee, sondern Bürgerkriegsidee”: no la idea de la paz, sino la idea de la guerra civil, eso es lo que quisiéramos gritarles a estos grandes utopistas que se pavonean con tan pequeñas utopías. ¡No la idea de la paz, sino la idea de la guerra civil, ciudadano Adler! Ése será el punto central de nuestro programa. El problema no es que no hayamos predicado lo suficiente la idea de la paz antes de la guerra; es que no predicamos lo suficiente, ni con la suficiente seriedad, la idea de la lucha de clases, de la guerra civil. Porque, en tiempos de guerra, reconocer la lucha de clases sin reconocer la guerra civil es palabrería hueca, es hipocresía, es engañar a los obreros.” [14]

Sí: de ningún modo somos pacifistas por principio; de ningún modo nos oponemos a todas las guerras. Somos enemigos de las guerras de ellos, de las guerras de los opresores, de las guerras imperialistas, de las guerras que procuran reducir a incontables millones de obreros a la esclavitud. Sin embargo, los socialdemócratas no pueden negar la significación positiva de las guerras revolucionarias, es decir, las guerras no imperialistas y, por ejemplo, las que se libraron entre 1789 y 1871 para derrocar la opresión extranjera y crear estados nacionales capitalistas a partir de las parcelas feudales, o las guerras que pueda librar el proletariado para defender las conquistas que haya obtenido en su lucha contra la burguesía”. [15]

Unos años más tarde, la Internacional Comunista resumió los peligros del pacifismo de la siguiente manera: “El imperialismo es la realidad capitalista, el pacifismo burgués la ilusión capitalista. El pacifismo es tan incapaz como la reforma social burguesa de superar las contradicciones, los males y los crímenes del capitalismo. Pero introducirá disensión e incertidumbre en las filas de la burguesía, la burguesía media y pequeña, y por lo tanto debilitará al enemigo de clase del proletariado. Los comunistas deben aprovechar tal debilitamiento aprovechando la oportunidad de cada iniciativa pacifista burguesa para llevar a la clase obrera a la lucha, en el curso de la cual aprenderán que el militarismo y el imperialismo no pueden ser abolidos por el triunfo gradual de la razón y el amor a la paz…. Esta convicción contrarrestará cualquier efecto paralizante y debilitante del pacifismo sobre la energía militante revolucionaria del proletariado, un peligro asociado con la propaganda pacifista burguesa…. Las brumas de las esperanzas sentimentales pacifistas no deben oscurecer el reconocimiento de que la burguesía gobierna y explota gracias a su dominio de los medios de producción de la vida y de los medios de producción de la muerte. El proletariado debe tomar posesión de ambos para liberarse de la explotación y la servidumbre. Puesto que están privados de su libertad por la fuerza de las armas, deben conquistarla y defenderla por la fuerza de las armas”. [16]

Posteriormente, Trotsky defendió tal método marxista contra la propaganda pacifista de la socialdemocracia, el estalinismo y el centrismo. “Con la pretensión del “desarme” no se evita ni se puede evitar la guerra. El programa de “desarme” no es más que un intento - hasta ahora concretado sólo en el papel- de reducir en época de paz los costos de tal o cual armamento. Es sobre todo una cuestión de técnica militar y del estado en que se hallan las arcas imperialistas. Ni los arsenales, ni las fábricas de municiones, ni los laboratorios, ni finalmente - lo más importante- la industria capitalista de conjunto, se debilitan en lo más mínimo con los “programas de desarme”. Los estados no pelean porque están armados. Por el contrario, fabrican armas cuando tienen que pelear. En el caso de que estalle la guerra desaparecerán todas las limitaciones de la época de paz.... Es pura charlatanería tratar de diferenciar entre los fusiles, tanques o aeroplanos ofensivos o defensivos. También allí la política norteamericana está determinada por los intereses específicos del imperialismo norteamericano, el más terrible de todos. La guerra no es un juego que se desarrolla según las guerras convencionales. La guerra exige y crea las armas que mejor pueden aniquilar al enemigo. El pacifismo pequeñoburgués, que, en un diez por ciento, un treinta y tres por ciento o un cincuenta por ciento considera la propuesta de desarme como el “primer paso” hacia la posibilidad de impedir la guerra, es más peligroso que todos los explosivos y los gases asfixiantes. La melinita y la iperita pueden cumplir su cometido sólo porque durante la paz las masas populares se envenenan con los vahos del pacifismo.” [17]

En conclusión, la CCRI rechaza enérgicamente los principios y las consignas del pacifismo. Estas son utópicas y reaccionarias ya que no pueden sino crear confusión entre la vanguardia obrera. Por lo tanto, consideramos la consigna de la LIT-CI por el “desarme nuclear” en contradicción con el programa marxista. Instamos a los compañeros a corregir este error y, con ello, a fortalecer su arsenal programático.

 



[1] La CCRI se ha ocupado en numerosas ocasiones de la rivalidad interimperialista de las Grandes Potencias. Véase, por ejemplo, Perspectivas mundiales 2021-22: Entrando en una situación global prerrevolucionaria, 22 de agosto de 2021, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/world-perspectives-2021-22/#anker_1; véase también nuestro libro de Michael Pröbsting: Anti-imperialismo en la Era de la Rivalidad de las Grandes Potencias. Los factores detrás de la Rivalidad acelerada entre los E.U, China, Rusia, la U.E y Japón. Una crítica del análisis de la izquierda y una semblanza de la Perspectiva Marxista, RCIT Books, Vienna 2019, https://www.thecommunists.net/home/espa%C3%B1ol/libro-anti-imperialismo-en-la-era-de-la-rivalidad-de-las-grandes-potencias/; Véanse también las siguientes obras del mismo autor: "Una pelea bastante buena". Encuentro EE.UU.-China en Alaska: Continúa la Guerra Fría Interimperialista, 23 de septiembre de 2021, https://www.thecommunists.net/home/espa%C3%B1ol/encuentro-ee-uu-china-en-alaska-continua-la-guerra-fr%C3%ADa-interimperialista/; Siervos de dos amos. El estalinismo y la nueva guerra fría entre las grandes potencias imperialistas de Oriente y Occidente, 10 de julio de 2021, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/servants-of-two-masters-stalinism-and-new-cold-war/#anker_9; para más trabajos sobre este tema, consulte estas subpáginas: https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/china-russia-as-imperialist-powers/ y https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/collection-of-articles-on-the-global-trade-war/.

[2] Sobre el análisis de la CCRI de estos últimos desarrollos, véase, p. Putin Announces Colonial Annexation of Ukrainian Territories, 30 September 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/putin-announces-colonial-annexation-of-ukrainian-territories/; Revolutionary Tactics in the Struggle against Putin’s Mobilisation. On some issues of the program of defeatism under the current conditions of Russia’s war against the Ukraine, 28 September 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/revolutionary-tactics-in-the-struggle-against-putin-s-mobilisation/; El imperialismo ruso intensifica la guerra colonial contra Ucrania. ¡Abajo los vergonzosos “referéndums” en los territorios ocupados por Rusia! ¡No a la “movilización” masiva para la guerra! ¡Defendamos a Ucrania – Por la derrota del imperialismo ruso!, 21 de septiembre de 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/russian-empire-escalates-its-colonial-war-against-the-ukraine/#anker_2; La guerra de Ucrania después de la liberación de la región de Kharkiv. Los socialistas deben unirse sobre la base de la consigna “¡Defendamos a Ucrania contra la invasión de Putin! ¡Contra Rusia y contra el imperialismo de la OTAN!”, 12 de septiembre de 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/the-ukraine-war-after-the-liberation-of-the-kharkiv-region/#anker_3

[3] Al Jazeera: Russia can defend new regions with nuclear weapons: Medvedev, 22 September 2022, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/9/22/russia-can-defend-new-regions-with-nuclear-weapons-medvedev-says

[4] Ver, p., Llamamiento internacional de la LIT-CI y la UIT-CI, 13 de marzo de 2022, https://litci.org/es/ucrania-llamamiento-internacional-de-la-lit-ci-y-la-uit-ci/; Convoy llevará delegación obrera a Ucrania. 19 de abril de 2022, https://litci.org/es/convoy-llevara-delegacion-obrera-a-ucrania/; Carlos Sapir: Para los rusos, la guerra llega de repente a casa, 25 de septiembre de 2022, https://workersvoiceus.org/es/2022/09/25/for-russians-the-war-suddenly-reaches-home/

[5] Remitimos a los lectores a una página especial en nuestro sitio web donde se compilan más de 120 documentos de la CCRI sobre la guerra de Ucrania y el conflicto actual entre la OTAN y Rusia: https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/compilation-of-documents-on-nato-russia-conflict/; Los documentos más importantes son: Manifiesto de la CCRI: Guerra de Ucrania: un punto de inflexión de importancia histórica mundial. Los socialistas deben combinar la defensa revolucionaria de Ucrania contra la invasión de Putin con la lucha internacionalista contra el imperialismo ruso, la OTAN y la UE, 1 de marzo de 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/manifesto-ukraine-war-a-turning-point-of-world-historic-significance/#anker_3

[6] Guerra de Ucrania: Declaración Conjunta. Llamamos a una gran campaña internacional de apoyo y solidaridad con la resistencia ucraniana. ¡Por la derrota de la invasión del ejército ruso! No a la OTAN, 13 de marzo de 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/rcit/joint-statement-on-ukraine-war-13-3-2022/#anker_1; ver también https://uit-ci.org/index.php/2022/03/14/ukraine-international-appeal-by-various-organisations/?lang=en

[7] Ver en: RCIT: Convoy and Conference on MayDay 2022 in Ukraine, 4 May 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/rcit/international-workers-aid/#anker_1; para obtener una descripción general de nuestras actividades solidarias, consulte https://www.thecommunists.net/rcit/international-workers-aid/. Ver también Ukraine War: Interview with CSP-Conlutas (Brazil) on International Workers Solidarity, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/compilation-of-documents-on-nato-russia-conflict/#anker_32

[8] Para nuestra evaluación y crítica de la línea política de LIT-CI en la Guerra de Ucrania, véase, p. Michael Probsting: Guerra de Ucrania: defensismo revolucionario y defensismo no revolucionario. Una crítica de camaradería a la LIT-CI que combina falsamente su defensa de Ucrania con el apoyo a las sanciones imperialistas occidentales contra Rusia, 15 de julio de 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/ukraine-war-revolutionary-defensism-and-non-revolutionary-defensism/#anker_1; por el mismo autor: Guerra de Ucrania: ¡Apoyar las sanciones occidentales es inadmisible para los socialistas! El apoyo a la resistencia ucraniana debe combinarse con un antiimperialismo consecuente (una crítica de camaradería a la LIT-CI), 1 de junio de 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/ukraine-war-supporting-western-sanctions-is-impermissible-for-socialists/#anker_2; La LIT-CI “Defendería sin dudar a Rusia”. Recientes artículos de la LIT-CI revelan un peligroso paso hacia el socialimperialismo, 29 de marzo de 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/lit-ci-would-undoubtedly-defend-russia/#anker_2; ¿Es Rusia “dependiente del imperialismo occidental”? Comentarios críticos a la declaración de LIT-CI sobre el actual conflicto OTAN-Rusia, 14 de febrero de 2022, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/global/critical-remarks-on-lit-ci-statement-on-the-current-nato-russia-conflict/#anker_2

[9] Véase, por ejemplo. estos dos libros de Michael Pröbsting: Anti-imperialismo en la Era de la Rivalidad de las Grandes Potencias. Los factores detrás de la Rivalidad acelerada entre los E.U, China, Rusia, la U.E y Japón. Una crítica del análisis de la izquierda y una semblanza de la Perspectiva Marxista, RCIT Books, Vienna 2019, https://www.thecommunists.net/home/espa%C3%B1ol/libro-anti-imperialismo-en-la-era-de-la-rivalidad-de-las-grandes-potencias/; The Great Robbery of the South. Continuity and Changes in the Super-Exploitation of the Semi-Colonial World by Monopoly Capital Consequences for the Marxist Theory of Imperialism, 2013, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/great-robbery-of-the-south/.

[10] Sobre el tema de la restauración capitalista en Corea del Norte remitimos a los lectores a varios ensayos que hemos publicado recientemente: Michael Pröbsting: Has Capitalist Restoration in North Korea Crossed the Rubicon or Not? Reply to a Polemic of Władza Rad (Poland), 15 July 2018, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/has-capitalist-restoration-in-north-korea-crossed-the-rubicon-or-not/; Michael Pröbsting: In What Sense Can One Speak of Capitalist Restoration in North Korea? Reply to Several Objections Raised by the Polish Comrades of “Władza Rad”, 21 June 2018, https://www.thecommunists.net/theory/north-korea-and-the-marxist-theory-of-capitalist-restoration/; Michael Pröbsting: Again on Capitalist Restoration in North Korea, 12 June 2018, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/asia/again-on-capitalist-restoration-in-north-korea/; Michael Pröbsting: World Perspectives 2018: A World Pregnant with Wars and Popular Uprisings, pp. 95-105

[11] Ver, p., Defend Iran against the U.S., EU and Israel warmongers! 9.11.2011, https://www.thecommunists.net/worldwide/asia/iran-no-war/

[12] V. I. Lenin: Conferencia de las Secciones del POSDR en el extranjero (1915), en Lenin Obras Completas, Tomo 26, Ed. Progreso p. 173, https://www.marxists.org/espanol/lenin/obras/oc/progreso/tomo26.pdf

[13] V. I. Lenin: El programa militar de la revolución proletaria (1916), en Lenin Obras Completas, Tomo 30, Ed. Progreso, p. 143, https://www.marxists.org/espanol/lenin/obras/oc/progreso/tomo30.pdf

[14] Gregori Zinóviev: Pacifismo o marxismo (1915), https://www.spartacist.org/espanol/spe/39/zinoviev.html

[15] Ibidem

[16] Communist International: Theses on the Fight against the War Danger (1922), in: Jane Degras: The Communist International 1919-1943. Documents Volume I 1919-1922, pp. 331-332

[17] León Trotsky: Declaración al Congreso Contra la Guerra de Amsterdam (1932), https://www.ceip.org.ar/Declaracion-al-Congreso-Contra-la-Guerra

사회주의자가 “핵 군축”을 요구해도 되나?

LIT-CI 내건 평화주의 슬로건에 대한 동지적 비판

 

미하엘 프뢰브스팅, 혁명적 공산주의인터내셔널 동맹 (RCIT) 국제서기, 2022 10 2, www.thecommunists.net

 

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KOR trans of Shall Socialists Call for N
Adobe Acrobat Document 118.6 KB

 

군국주의와 군비 경쟁은 20세기 제국주의 시대가 이래로 시대’ (epoch) 항상적인 특징이어 왔다. 당연히도, 언제나 사회주의노동자운동은 지배계급의 전쟁몰이와 뿌리인 자본주의 착취제도 강대국 패권쟁투에 맞서 싸웠다. 동시에 다른 한편에서는, 전쟁 일반에 반대하며 군축 요구하는 ()부르주아 평화주의 운동이 등장했다.

2인터내셔널에서 수정주의에 반대하는 정통 맑스주의자들이 평화주의에 강하게 반대했지만, 평화주의 이데올로기는 수정주의 세력들에 의해 더욱 확산되어갔다. 1 세계대전 개전 직후에는 수정주의 세력에 이어 카우츠키와 같은 중앙파/중도주의 이론가들도 평화주의 슬로건들을 내걸기 시작했다. 1930년대부터는 스탈린주의가 흐름에 합류하여 평화주의 사상을 그들 정치 노선의 일부로 편입해 넣었다.

강대국 패권경쟁이 급격히 가속화되어온 최근 수년, 군국주의/군사주의와 군비경쟁 문제가 다시 세계정치의 중심 무대를 차지했다. 모든 강대국이 핵무기를 보유하며 인류를 절멸시킬 가능성이 대두되면서 더더욱 그렇다.[1]

푸틴이 우크라이나 침공을 시작한 2 24 이래로 과정이 한층 가중되고 있다. 특히 러시아가 하르키우에서 굴욕적인 패배를 당한 우크라이나 점령지에 대한 병합 선언에 이어 핵미사일 사용을 위협하는 러시아 제국주의 대표자들의 일련의 담화와 성명이 나왔다.[2] 푸틴은 9 21 연설에서 러시아의 영토 완결성 보호하기 위해 "가능한 모든 수단" 사용할 것이라고 경고했다. 그리고 러시아 대통령이자 푸틴의 총리 드미트리 메드베데프는 "전략적 핵무기와 새로운 원칙에 입각한 무기를 포함하여 모든 러시아 무기를 사용할 있다" 이미 발표했다.[3] 나토와 연결된 각종 인물들도 앞다퉈 핵무기 사용에 대해 공개적으로 발언하고 있다.

따라서 프롤레타리아 혁명 지도력의 거대한 위기를 감안할 평화주의 이데올로기 또한 다시 확산되고 있는 것은 놀라운 일이 아니다. 가장 인기 있는 평화주의 슬로건 하나가 "핵군축" 요구다. 불행하게도, 그러한 슬로건을 제기하는 사회주의 세력도 있다. 중에는 라틴 아메리카에 기반을 모레노 국제 트로츠키주의 조직 LIT-CI 있다.[4]

RCIT 푸틴의 야만적인 침략에 맞서 우크라이나 방어 입장을 공유하는 LIT-CI 동지들과 여러 차례 협력 관계를 가져왔다.[5] 이러한 정신으로 우리는 조직과의 공동 선언문에도 서명했다.[6] 이에 더해 우리는 우크라이나에 인도적 원조를 가져가고 메이데이에 르비우에서 국제 연대 회의를 개최하는 동지들과 (다른 무소속 동지들도 포함하여) 협력하여 실천 사업도 진행했다.[7]

 

군축 슬로건의 근본적인 문제

이러한 중요한 의견 일치와 협력에도 불구하고, 우리가 LIT-CI 가지고 있는 정치적 차이를 설명하는 것이 맑스주의자로서 우리의 의무다.[8] 물론, 우리는 동지들이 평화주의자가 아니라는 것을 알고 있다. 그러나 핵군축 슬로건을 내걸면서 동지들은 그러한 소부르주아 이데올로기에 영합하는 길로 빠져들고 있다.

우리는 평화주의 일반과 그리고 특히 "핵군축" 슬로건이 잘못되었다고 생각하는가? 우리가 여러 문서에서 세부적으로까지 비판한 내용을 간략하게 요약해보자.[9] 우리가 보기에 평화주의 정책은 반동적이고 공상적이다. 평화주의 정책은 폭력과 전쟁을 원리적으로 거부하며, 나아가 글로벌 자본주의를 절멸시키는 없이도, 그리고 세계 사회주의공화국연방을 창설하는 없이도 무기를 핵무기를 포함하여